What if the budget of the European Union was made to serve the interest of the citizens? A radical change like that would require a major overhaul of both rules and practices.
According to Sebastian Dullien and Daniela Schwarzer the negotiations in the European Council leading up to the present long term budget (2007–2013) show that the present system has reached its end. The budget review clause for 2008-09 is an admission of this fact. The researchers summarise the situation:
”the EU budget is generally judged as being in a complete mismatch to the tasks the EU has assigned itself.”
When the citizens of the European Union are represented through their national governments, the results are not necessarily efficient, democratic or legitimate. The EU citizens cannot express their collective preferences and they cannot change the priorities through elections. The Council makes the crucial decisions (multiannual financial framework, revenue), so the authority of the European Parliament is restricted (although growing under the Lisbon Treaty concerning annual expenditure).
In the future the European Union needs a politically accountable executive, which is at liberty to propose a budget. The European Parliament, free to decide on income (taxes) and expenditure, would be the main budget authority, more important than the Council.
Instead of agricultural policy and regional policy, the resources of the European Union could be allocated to enhance sustainable growth. Hence, the Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs could be given new impetus, especially concerning great projects of common interest, for instance in research and development.
The EU budget could be given a new task: stabilization of the economy at the Union level.
Income and expenditure could be used to mitigate booms and busts.
In addition, at least the members of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) could introduce a new, stabilizing element. The new “stabilization pillar” proposed by the researchers could be a basic unemployment insurance at the European level, partly replacing the national schemes.
***
If the resources of the European Union are used for more beneficial purposes than today, the citizens reap the rewards through jobs that are maintained and created. The new system would fulfil the requirements of accountability and democratic legitimacy.
Ralf Grahn
Source:
Sebastian Dullien & Daniela Schwarzer: Integrating the macro-economic dimension into the EU budget: reasons, instruments and the question of democratic legitimacy; EU-Consent EU-Budget Working Paper No. 4; August 2007; http://www.eu-consent.net
Tuesday, 13 November 2007
Monday, 12 November 2007
EU citizens need to know
Margot Wallström, Vice-President of the European Commission, Institutional Relations and Communication Strategy, in her 29 October 2007 interview with Parliamentmagazine said:
“We must continue to encourage a public debate on the future of the European union. The citizens of Europe need to know how the new treaty will affect them. And EU leaders need to know what the citizens of Europe think – not just about the treaty and the institutional changes it brings, but also about the wider questions.”
***
I could not agree more.
The first step to rekindle my belief in the sincerity of the EU institutions and leaders would be to offer the citizens of Europe the consolidated Lisbon Treaty (the amalgamated texts of the existing and amending treaties) online, in all the official languages of the European Union.
Ralf Grahn
“We must continue to encourage a public debate on the future of the European union. The citizens of Europe need to know how the new treaty will affect them. And EU leaders need to know what the citizens of Europe think – not just about the treaty and the institutional changes it brings, but also about the wider questions.”
***
I could not agree more.
The first step to rekindle my belief in the sincerity of the EU institutions and leaders would be to offer the citizens of Europe the consolidated Lisbon Treaty (the amalgamated texts of the existing and amending treaties) online, in all the official languages of the European Union.
Ralf Grahn
Sunday, 11 November 2007
Finland: Encouraging but discouraging
Finland encourages the EU to greater transparency, was the main message of a press release by the Finnish government Friday afternoon. I quote:
“Finland has sent on Friday, 9 November, a letter to the Portuguese EU Presidency concerning the overall policy on transparency of the Council of the European Union. In Finland’s view, the promotion of the transparency of the Council’s work is important for the attainment of the principles of good governance and for improving citizens’ access to information and possibilities for participation.”
“Finland is of the opinion that the Member States and the Council Secretariat should improve practices contributing to efficiently informing the public on the availability of webcasts and documents. Attention should also be paid to making the Council website and its webcasts more user-friendly. Links between improving the transparency of the Council and initiatives to better communicate EU issues to the citizens should also be examined.”
***
The starting point of the press release is the Council’s overall policy on transparency, which I dealt with earlier (EU Council on transparency, 31 October 2007). It is a commendable choice to address the government’s letter to the Council, since intergovernmental preparation, dealing and oversight is the black hole of transparency within the European Union.
The principles mentioned by the government of Finland are laudable, too. Good governance, citizens’ access to information and participatory rights as well as user-friendly information are core values of modern public communication. All this is encouraging.
***
The most important and most urgent communication task of the European Union is to publish correct, abundant and user-friendly information on the Reform Treaty. Because the need is urgent, the consolidated version of the Lisbon Treaty should be published on the web, where the text can be easily updated, if needed. Equality for the citizens of the European Union can be attained only if the amalgamated texts of the existing treaties and the amending treaties are made accessible in all the official languages of the EU.
What does the press release of the Finnish government have to say about this most glaring communication deficit of the European Union, the Council’s outright refusal to make available a somewhat more readable and intelligible text?
Nothing.
Keeping quiet about the Union’s most obvious case of communication deficit, the press release raises more questions than it answers.
Do not even the loftiest principles fall flat, if the most important information shortage to remedy is left suspended in thin air? Does not reiterating highfalutin ideals tend to erode trustworthiness and increase alienation, when they are undermined by concrete actions? Does the Finnish government want to enhance its stained image as part of this conspiracy of silence, by drawing our attention to general principles and questions of secondary importance?
Against this background the press release is discouraging.
What does the Finnish government aim to encourage, really?
Ralf Grahn
Source:
Finland encourages the EU for greater transparency; Finnish government, Communications unit; Press release 326/2007, 9 November 2007; http://www.vn.fi => English
“Finland has sent on Friday, 9 November, a letter to the Portuguese EU Presidency concerning the overall policy on transparency of the Council of the European Union. In Finland’s view, the promotion of the transparency of the Council’s work is important for the attainment of the principles of good governance and for improving citizens’ access to information and possibilities for participation.”
“Finland is of the opinion that the Member States and the Council Secretariat should improve practices contributing to efficiently informing the public on the availability of webcasts and documents. Attention should also be paid to making the Council website and its webcasts more user-friendly. Links between improving the transparency of the Council and initiatives to better communicate EU issues to the citizens should also be examined.”
***
The starting point of the press release is the Council’s overall policy on transparency, which I dealt with earlier (EU Council on transparency, 31 October 2007). It is a commendable choice to address the government’s letter to the Council, since intergovernmental preparation, dealing and oversight is the black hole of transparency within the European Union.
The principles mentioned by the government of Finland are laudable, too. Good governance, citizens’ access to information and participatory rights as well as user-friendly information are core values of modern public communication. All this is encouraging.
***
The most important and most urgent communication task of the European Union is to publish correct, abundant and user-friendly information on the Reform Treaty. Because the need is urgent, the consolidated version of the Lisbon Treaty should be published on the web, where the text can be easily updated, if needed. Equality for the citizens of the European Union can be attained only if the amalgamated texts of the existing treaties and the amending treaties are made accessible in all the official languages of the EU.
What does the press release of the Finnish government have to say about this most glaring communication deficit of the European Union, the Council’s outright refusal to make available a somewhat more readable and intelligible text?
Nothing.
Keeping quiet about the Union’s most obvious case of communication deficit, the press release raises more questions than it answers.
Do not even the loftiest principles fall flat, if the most important information shortage to remedy is left suspended in thin air? Does not reiterating highfalutin ideals tend to erode trustworthiness and increase alienation, when they are undermined by concrete actions? Does the Finnish government want to enhance its stained image as part of this conspiracy of silence, by drawing our attention to general principles and questions of secondary importance?
Against this background the press release is discouraging.
What does the Finnish government aim to encourage, really?
Ralf Grahn
Source:
Finland encourages the EU for greater transparency; Finnish government, Communications unit; Press release 326/2007, 9 November 2007; http://www.vn.fi => English
Friday, 9 November 2007
Lisbon Treaty decrypted in 2009?
The latest answer from an EU institution spells it out: A decrypted version of the Reform Treaty, soon to be known as the Lisbon Treaty, seems to be in the offing in 2009, if ever. I quote the reply from Europe Direct:
“The consolidated version will be available only when the Draft Reform Treaty is signed and ratified by the Member States.”
At this juncture the Lisbon Treaty is the most important document of the European Union, and we citizens are at the centre of the European project, we have been told.
Somehow there is a mismatch when publishing an intelligible version of the proposed treaties at once is stonewalled by the EU institutions.
***
Think-tanks, scientific research institutes or non-governmental organisations to the rescue of democratic EU debate!
Ralf Grahn
“The consolidated version will be available only when the Draft Reform Treaty is signed and ratified by the Member States.”
At this juncture the Lisbon Treaty is the most important document of the European Union, and we citizens are at the centre of the European project, we have been told.
Somehow there is a mismatch when publishing an intelligible version of the proposed treaties at once is stonewalled by the EU institutions.
***
Think-tanks, scientific research institutes or non-governmental organisations to the rescue of democratic EU debate!
Ralf Grahn
Wednesday, 7 November 2007
Lisbon Treaty: Dadaistic legal drafting
José M. de Areilza scorns the preparation and drafting of the Reform Treaty of the European Union. The Lisbon Treaty is a low point in European integration. A few quotes:
”Lisbon is one of the lowest points in European integration, in terms of living up to ideals and the demands of democratic process and political debate.”
“Plus, leaders not wanting to publish a consolidated version of the new Treaty until it is ratified, European citizens should not waste their time reading the new rules of the game, written in non-sensical Dada fashion.”
“In any case, policy improvements do not justify the total departure from the rhetoric of bringing citizens and institutions closer.”
***
The comparison between dadaistic non-sense and the legal drafting of the Lisbon Treaty is made by a Spanish professor in European Law.
The clamour for more readable, consolidated treaties is growing louder by the day.
Ralf Grahn
Source:
José M. de Areilza: Treaty of Lisbon: ”jamais vu”; Blogeuropa.eu, 3.11.2007 ; http://blogeuropa.eu
”Lisbon is one of the lowest points in European integration, in terms of living up to ideals and the demands of democratic process and political debate.”
“Plus, leaders not wanting to publish a consolidated version of the new Treaty until it is ratified, European citizens should not waste their time reading the new rules of the game, written in non-sensical Dada fashion.”
“In any case, policy improvements do not justify the total departure from the rhetoric of bringing citizens and institutions closer.”
***
The comparison between dadaistic non-sense and the legal drafting of the Lisbon Treaty is made by a Spanish professor in European Law.
The clamour for more readable, consolidated treaties is growing louder by the day.
Ralf Grahn
Source:
José M. de Areilza: Treaty of Lisbon: ”jamais vu”; Blogeuropa.eu, 3.11.2007 ; http://blogeuropa.eu
Commission priorities in 2008
Well into its five year term, the Commission of the European Communities is trying to sharpen its focus on the strategic challenges for the European Union. At the same time the main challenges in a globalising world are dauntingly complex and wide-ranging, even for the pooled resources of 490 million citizens.
The Commission reminds us of the strategic objectives in its initial 2005 programme: prosperity, solidarity, security and freedom, and a stronger Europe in the world.
Building on the 2008 Annual Policy Strategy (APS), the Commission’s Legislative and Work Programme 2008 spells out the concrete measures the Commission is going to take next year. Here are some of the priorities which lay the foundations:
The Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs remains the major vehicle for promoting a more prosperous, environmentally responsible and socially inclusive European Union. Since most of the actual reforms have to be designed and put into practice by the member states, the Commission is more of a coach than a player.
Still, the customary Spring European Council keeps the Lisbon Strategy on the agenda and offers a chance to underline globalisation as an opportunity to the citizens of the European Union.
Small and medium size enterprises are going to be interested in what improvements the promised “Small Business Act” if going to bring them.
The Eurozone is expanding with Cyprus and Malta joining in 2008. The Commission promises a strategic review of the European Monetary Union (EMU).
Sustainable Europe places tackling climate change at the centre of the Commission’s priorities, with implications for a host of policy areas. Growing concerns about energy sources and security are going to accompany the preparation of a strategic energy review, to be presented at the 2009 Spring European Council.
Since agricultural spending is frozen until the end of 2013, it is interesting to see if the so called health check of the common agricultural policy (CAP) can lay the foundations for a better match between the real challenges facing the Union and its future resource allocation.
The Commission will propose further steps towards a common policy on migration. On the one hand the EU will need labour immigration, but at the same time the Union needs to take effective action against illegal migration and human trafficking. Protection of the external borders of the expanded Schengen area is going to pose serious challenges.
The Commission states that one of its main objectives is to put the citizen at the centre of the European project. From taking stock of social realities, the Commission wants to advance towards a modern social agenda for Europe. Since most of the powers to do something rest with the member states, it will be interesting to see how the inspirational role of the Commission is going to evolve.
Europe as a world partner shows how the Commission is trying to come to grips with globalisation. The enlargement policy of the EU has been a great success, but the latest progress reports show that the road ahead is long and bumpy, if the membership criteria are going to be upheld. The neighbourhood policy tries to create a large zone of stability, democracy, progress and prosperity East and South of the Union. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and the EU-Africa strategy are key areas for further action.
***
On the whole, my impression is that the Commission is on the move to face the challenges of globalisation, setting priorities for a more open Europe. At the same time and in many respects the Commission is cast in a supportive role, dependent on the ability of the member states (European Council, Council) in the areas of foreign, security and defence policy to craft coherent positions to put into practice.
Ralf Grahn
Source:
Commission of the European Communities: Commission Legislative and Work Programme 2008; Brussels, 23 October 2007, COM(2007) 640 final
The Commission reminds us of the strategic objectives in its initial 2005 programme: prosperity, solidarity, security and freedom, and a stronger Europe in the world.
Building on the 2008 Annual Policy Strategy (APS), the Commission’s Legislative and Work Programme 2008 spells out the concrete measures the Commission is going to take next year. Here are some of the priorities which lay the foundations:
The Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs remains the major vehicle for promoting a more prosperous, environmentally responsible and socially inclusive European Union. Since most of the actual reforms have to be designed and put into practice by the member states, the Commission is more of a coach than a player.
Still, the customary Spring European Council keeps the Lisbon Strategy on the agenda and offers a chance to underline globalisation as an opportunity to the citizens of the European Union.
Small and medium size enterprises are going to be interested in what improvements the promised “Small Business Act” if going to bring them.
The Eurozone is expanding with Cyprus and Malta joining in 2008. The Commission promises a strategic review of the European Monetary Union (EMU).
Sustainable Europe places tackling climate change at the centre of the Commission’s priorities, with implications for a host of policy areas. Growing concerns about energy sources and security are going to accompany the preparation of a strategic energy review, to be presented at the 2009 Spring European Council.
Since agricultural spending is frozen until the end of 2013, it is interesting to see if the so called health check of the common agricultural policy (CAP) can lay the foundations for a better match between the real challenges facing the Union and its future resource allocation.
The Commission will propose further steps towards a common policy on migration. On the one hand the EU will need labour immigration, but at the same time the Union needs to take effective action against illegal migration and human trafficking. Protection of the external borders of the expanded Schengen area is going to pose serious challenges.
The Commission states that one of its main objectives is to put the citizen at the centre of the European project. From taking stock of social realities, the Commission wants to advance towards a modern social agenda for Europe. Since most of the powers to do something rest with the member states, it will be interesting to see how the inspirational role of the Commission is going to evolve.
Europe as a world partner shows how the Commission is trying to come to grips with globalisation. The enlargement policy of the EU has been a great success, but the latest progress reports show that the road ahead is long and bumpy, if the membership criteria are going to be upheld. The neighbourhood policy tries to create a large zone of stability, democracy, progress and prosperity East and South of the Union. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and the EU-Africa strategy are key areas for further action.
***
On the whole, my impression is that the Commission is on the move to face the challenges of globalisation, setting priorities for a more open Europe. At the same time and in many respects the Commission is cast in a supportive role, dependent on the ability of the member states (European Council, Council) in the areas of foreign, security and defence policy to craft coherent positions to put into practice.
Ralf Grahn
Source:
Commission of the European Communities: Commission Legislative and Work Programme 2008; Brussels, 23 October 2007, COM(2007) 640 final
Monday, 5 November 2007
Plan-D and the Lisbon Treaty
Am I the only one to gripe about an unreadable and incomprehensible Reform Treaty or Lisbon Treaty in its present form?
No, I am not. Let us see what a few distinguished Europeans have said.
Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who led the Convention which prepared the draft Constitutional Treaty called the new treaty illegible for citizens:
”Il est illisible pour les citoyens, qui doivent constamment se reporter aux textes des traités de Rome et de Maastricht, auxquels s’appliquent ces amendements.”
***
Jens Peter Bonde MEP, a known Eurosceptic, described the Lisbon Treaty in the following way in the introduction to his book on the Reform Treaty:
”They have managed to make the new text as difficult and inaccessible as humanly possible. The amendments can only be read by a few initiated specialists who are generally in favour.”
***
Giuliano Amato, a well-known expert in European Union law and vice president of the Convention, earlier gave his view on the mandate the leaders of the EU member states gave the intergovernmental conference, as reported by EUobserver:
”They decided that the document should be unreadable. If it is unreadable, it is not constitutional, that was the sort of perception.”
***
More testimonies are hardly needed. The Reform Treaty is simply impossible to read and to understand for the citizens of the European Union, our witnesses conclude.
In addition, the legal experts chose to present the amendments in a manner which makes it hard to follow the proposed changes even when you have the existing treaties at hand. If whole paragraphs had been presented, in a logical order, reading would have been somewhat easier.
I have seen no publicly announced reasons for these choices of presentation.
***
Many of us remember the Commissions Plan-D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate.
A short while ago Margot Wallströmin spoke on the participation of citizens:
“It will not be possible to continue this project of European integration without the citizens and without their participation.”
***
In spite of this, the members of the European Council have made no haste to give the citizens of the European Union correct, sufficient and user friendly information on the proposed Lisbon Treaty.
Perhaps the leaders of the member states want to create a void to be filled by false and misleading propaganda from the political fringes, which seems to be taking place in Britain and France.
If our political leaders do not understand that readable basic texts are essential for a democratic EU debate, their non-publishing blunder is going to alienate even those citizens who see the Lisbon Treaty as an improvement on the present Nice Treaty and who would favour normal parliamentary ratifications of the new treaty.
If the Council fails to publish complete consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty promptly, the Commission of the European Communities as the guardian of the common interest or the European Parliament as the representative of the citizens of the EU should step in quickly to repair the mistake of the leaders.
Instant publication of consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty on the web, in all the official languages of the Union, is the most important and most urgent communication task for the European Union. It is an elementary requirement for democratic debate.
Or is Plan-D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate just a bad joke?
Ralf Grahn
Sources:
Le blog de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, pour la démocratie en Europe : La boîte à outils du traité de Lisbonne ; 26 octobre 2007 ; http://vge-europe.eu/
Jens Peter Bonde: New name – Same Content: The Lisbon Treaty – is it also an EU Constitution? 2nd edition, 22 October 2007
The Commission’s contribution to the period of reflection and beyond: Plan-D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate; Brussels, 13.10.2005, COM(2005) 494 final
Wallström wants more citizens’ engagement but no referenda; EurActiv 18 September 2007; http://www.euractiv.com/
No, I am not. Let us see what a few distinguished Europeans have said.
Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who led the Convention which prepared the draft Constitutional Treaty called the new treaty illegible for citizens:
”Il est illisible pour les citoyens, qui doivent constamment se reporter aux textes des traités de Rome et de Maastricht, auxquels s’appliquent ces amendements.”
***
Jens Peter Bonde MEP, a known Eurosceptic, described the Lisbon Treaty in the following way in the introduction to his book on the Reform Treaty:
”They have managed to make the new text as difficult and inaccessible as humanly possible. The amendments can only be read by a few initiated specialists who are generally in favour.”
***
Giuliano Amato, a well-known expert in European Union law and vice president of the Convention, earlier gave his view on the mandate the leaders of the EU member states gave the intergovernmental conference, as reported by EUobserver:
”They decided that the document should be unreadable. If it is unreadable, it is not constitutional, that was the sort of perception.”
***
More testimonies are hardly needed. The Reform Treaty is simply impossible to read and to understand for the citizens of the European Union, our witnesses conclude.
In addition, the legal experts chose to present the amendments in a manner which makes it hard to follow the proposed changes even when you have the existing treaties at hand. If whole paragraphs had been presented, in a logical order, reading would have been somewhat easier.
I have seen no publicly announced reasons for these choices of presentation.
***
Many of us remember the Commissions Plan-D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate.
A short while ago Margot Wallströmin spoke on the participation of citizens:
“It will not be possible to continue this project of European integration without the citizens and without their participation.”
***
In spite of this, the members of the European Council have made no haste to give the citizens of the European Union correct, sufficient and user friendly information on the proposed Lisbon Treaty.
Perhaps the leaders of the member states want to create a void to be filled by false and misleading propaganda from the political fringes, which seems to be taking place in Britain and France.
If our political leaders do not understand that readable basic texts are essential for a democratic EU debate, their non-publishing blunder is going to alienate even those citizens who see the Lisbon Treaty as an improvement on the present Nice Treaty and who would favour normal parliamentary ratifications of the new treaty.
If the Council fails to publish complete consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty promptly, the Commission of the European Communities as the guardian of the common interest or the European Parliament as the representative of the citizens of the EU should step in quickly to repair the mistake of the leaders.
Instant publication of consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty on the web, in all the official languages of the Union, is the most important and most urgent communication task for the European Union. It is an elementary requirement for democratic debate.
Or is Plan-D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate just a bad joke?
Ralf Grahn
Sources:
Le blog de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, pour la démocratie en Europe : La boîte à outils du traité de Lisbonne ; 26 octobre 2007 ; http://vge-europe.eu/
Jens Peter Bonde: New name – Same Content: The Lisbon Treaty – is it also an EU Constitution? 2nd edition, 22 October 2007
The Commission’s contribution to the period of reflection and beyond: Plan-D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate; Brussels, 13.10.2005, COM(2005) 494 final
Wallström wants more citizens’ engagement but no referenda; EurActiv 18 September 2007; http://www.euractiv.com/
Sunday, 4 November 2007
EU reform camp building
The Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies Sieps is looking around for allies for budget reform within the European Union. The annual conference of the Institute, on 26 October 2007, was dedicated to The Purse of the European Union: Setting Priorities for the Future. On Tuesday, 6 November 2007, Sieps and the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) jointly host a seminar The EU Budget Review: Possibilities and Challenges for the Future.
At the Sieps conference Sweden’s EU minister Cecilia Malmström recollected that the current financial perspective of the European Union was a step in the right direction, but it was not far-reaching enough. She stressed the importance of the built-in review mechanism.
According to Malmström, citizens rightly expect the EU to use common funds well and efficiently. The Reform Treaty will lead to major improvements in this respect. The second major tool is a modern budget. The Swedish government believes that substantial reforms of EU spending – including re-prioritisation between areas of expenditure – are needed in order to achieve a budget that can contribute to the EU meeting the challenges of the 21st century.
Subsidiarity, European added value, proportionality and sound financial management are fundamental principles for a reform. The Swedish government has drawn some preliminary conclusions on the direction of the future EU policies: competitiveness, justice and home affairs, migration and asylum as well as external action.
The future Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) should be guided by market orientation, consumer demand, environmental concern, deregulation and reduction of budget expenditure.
The European Union could contribute with strategic coordination of regional development in the wealthiest member states, whereas the actual European funding for cohesion policy should be reduced and allocated differently in the future.
An ideal income system based on member state wealth would probably be sustainable, transparent and legitimate, but as long as the EU budget is unreformed, it would lead to disproportionate net contributions. Fair burden-sharing between member states can only be achieved if a new income system is accompanied by spending reforms, Malmström concluded.
Malmström’s speech and presentations by Iain Begg, André Sapir and Göran Färm as well as a recording of the Sieps seminar can be found on the think-tank’s web pages.
Zero-based budgeting
Sieps has initiated a debate on the European Union’s budget review 2008/9 by publishing a discussion paper ”Agenda 2014: A Zero-Base Approach” by Daniel Tarschys.
According to Tarschys zero-based budgeting has been a heavy instrument in annual budget processes, but might suit the multiannual financial framework of the EU.
Research is needed well ahead of the closing stages, when quarrels on burden sharing between member states exclude all other considerations. The European Union has a multitude of aims, but the real high-level priorities of the Union should be sifted out. The efficiency and effectiveness of Union programmes should be analysed, not only historically, but with a view to the future. The starting positions and expectations of member states should be examined. Programmes with diminishing returns still have their beneficiaries and defenders; phasing-out mechanisms and compensation packages should be planned.
The Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies is showing its pro-active stance in putting the crucial questions for the future of the European on its agenda and by its efforts to build coalitions for a reform agenda. The next long term budget (financial perspective) for five or seven years from 2014 is certainly one of these crucial areas of the Union.
To get started
Here, in addition to my previous posts, are a few sources for those who want to know more about EU (budget) reform:
The present long term budget (from 2007 including 2013) of the European Union is a good starting point: ”New budget, old dilemmas” by Iain Begg and Friedrich Heinemann.
If you want to reflect on a better budget for the EU, there is no turning back from the Common Agricultural Pollicy (CAP), still the biggest area of outlay in 2007. ”Why Europe deserves a better farm policy” by Jack Thurston presents the fundamental problems.
Iain Begg sorts out the basic budget terms and looks at both the budget review of 2008/9 and the financial perspective starting in 2014 in ”The 2008/9 EU budget review”. Is it possible to find solutions better adapted to the common good?
Ralf Grahn
Sources:
Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies: The Purse of the European Union: Setting Priorities for the Future; 26 October 2007; presentations by Cecilia Malmström, Iain Begg, André Sapir and Göran Färm; web-tv recording; http://www.sieps.se
Daniel Tarschys: Agenda 2014: A Zero-Base Approach; Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies; October 2007; http://www.sieps.se
Iain Begg & Friedrich Heinemann: New budget, old dilemmas; Centre for European Reform; 22 February 2006; http://www.cer.org.uk
Jack Thurston: Why Europe deserves a better farm policy; Centre for European Reform; December 2005; http://www.cer.org.uk
Iain Begg: The 2008/9 EU budget review; EU-Consent EU-budget Working Paper No. 3; March 2007; http://www.eu-consent.net
At the Sieps conference Sweden’s EU minister Cecilia Malmström recollected that the current financial perspective of the European Union was a step in the right direction, but it was not far-reaching enough. She stressed the importance of the built-in review mechanism.
According to Malmström, citizens rightly expect the EU to use common funds well and efficiently. The Reform Treaty will lead to major improvements in this respect. The second major tool is a modern budget. The Swedish government believes that substantial reforms of EU spending – including re-prioritisation between areas of expenditure – are needed in order to achieve a budget that can contribute to the EU meeting the challenges of the 21st century.
Subsidiarity, European added value, proportionality and sound financial management are fundamental principles for a reform. The Swedish government has drawn some preliminary conclusions on the direction of the future EU policies: competitiveness, justice and home affairs, migration and asylum as well as external action.
The future Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) should be guided by market orientation, consumer demand, environmental concern, deregulation and reduction of budget expenditure.
The European Union could contribute with strategic coordination of regional development in the wealthiest member states, whereas the actual European funding for cohesion policy should be reduced and allocated differently in the future.
An ideal income system based on member state wealth would probably be sustainable, transparent and legitimate, but as long as the EU budget is unreformed, it would lead to disproportionate net contributions. Fair burden-sharing between member states can only be achieved if a new income system is accompanied by spending reforms, Malmström concluded.
Malmström’s speech and presentations by Iain Begg, André Sapir and Göran Färm as well as a recording of the Sieps seminar can be found on the think-tank’s web pages.
Zero-based budgeting
Sieps has initiated a debate on the European Union’s budget review 2008/9 by publishing a discussion paper ”Agenda 2014: A Zero-Base Approach” by Daniel Tarschys.
According to Tarschys zero-based budgeting has been a heavy instrument in annual budget processes, but might suit the multiannual financial framework of the EU.
Research is needed well ahead of the closing stages, when quarrels on burden sharing between member states exclude all other considerations. The European Union has a multitude of aims, but the real high-level priorities of the Union should be sifted out. The efficiency and effectiveness of Union programmes should be analysed, not only historically, but with a view to the future. The starting positions and expectations of member states should be examined. Programmes with diminishing returns still have their beneficiaries and defenders; phasing-out mechanisms and compensation packages should be planned.
The Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies is showing its pro-active stance in putting the crucial questions for the future of the European on its agenda and by its efforts to build coalitions for a reform agenda. The next long term budget (financial perspective) for five or seven years from 2014 is certainly one of these crucial areas of the Union.
To get started
Here, in addition to my previous posts, are a few sources for those who want to know more about EU (budget) reform:
The present long term budget (from 2007 including 2013) of the European Union is a good starting point: ”New budget, old dilemmas” by Iain Begg and Friedrich Heinemann.
If you want to reflect on a better budget for the EU, there is no turning back from the Common Agricultural Pollicy (CAP), still the biggest area of outlay in 2007. ”Why Europe deserves a better farm policy” by Jack Thurston presents the fundamental problems.
Iain Begg sorts out the basic budget terms and looks at both the budget review of 2008/9 and the financial perspective starting in 2014 in ”The 2008/9 EU budget review”. Is it possible to find solutions better adapted to the common good?
Ralf Grahn
Sources:
Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies: The Purse of the European Union: Setting Priorities for the Future; 26 October 2007; presentations by Cecilia Malmström, Iain Begg, André Sapir and Göran Färm; web-tv recording; http://www.sieps.se
Daniel Tarschys: Agenda 2014: A Zero-Base Approach; Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies; October 2007; http://www.sieps.se
Iain Begg & Friedrich Heinemann: New budget, old dilemmas; Centre for European Reform; 22 February 2006; http://www.cer.org.uk
Jack Thurston: Why Europe deserves a better farm policy; Centre for European Reform; December 2005; http://www.cer.org.uk
Iain Begg: The 2008/9 EU budget review; EU-Consent EU-budget Working Paper No. 3; March 2007; http://www.eu-consent.net
Thursday, 1 November 2007
Scandal
”The European Council has decided not to produce an official consolidated version.”
This was the answer I received from a Finnish government source, when I asked if the Reform Treaty, also known as the Lisbon Treaty, is going to be published as a consolidated version including the existing treaties.
It is impossible to ascertain if the European Council has taken such a decision, because a little while ago the Presidency Conclusions had not been posted on the Council’s web site, even if almost two weeks have passed since the meeting. On the other hand, since the meeting was unofficial, no conclusions are going to appear, but can any decisions be taken without [authentification] accountability?
Anyway, a negative decision would fly in the face of all the rules and principles on openness and transparency that the EU institutions and the national leaders proclaim. I don’t want to believe that they would make a decision so full of contempt for citizens and democratic debate; a decision like that would be a scandal.
On the other hand, if no consolidated versions appear promptly, I have to draw the conclusion that actions speak louder than words.
I received an answer from Sweden, too, but it did nothing to clear the matter. A Swedish consolidated version of the treaties is planned, but when there is an official EU consolidation to start with. This could mean anything from a distant future to never (as we have seen).
Some EU and Finnish officials have not answered as yet.
***
I have discussed the need for consolidated treaties from a number of angles in my web columns: practical viewpoints, the proposed treaties, existing regulations, the Council’s own principles and the Swedish and Finnish governments as champions of openness and transparency.
This has lead to one, crystal clear conclusion: The consolidated versions are essential. The 490 million citizens of the European Union are entitled to the best available information.
***
If the Council does not publish the complete, consolidated treaties promptly, there are but two possibilities to lessen the scandal:
The governments of the member states instantly publish their own consolidated versions on the web, in order to give at least their own citizens correct, sufficient and user friendly information about the most important document of the European Union.
If the individual governments refuse to adhere to their own ideals on openness, some think-tank or scientific research institute in each country takes on the role of champion for the right to democratic debate by publishing its own consolidated treaty version.
I have to admit that my trust in the European Council, the Council and the member states’ governments is shaken. Let it not be wholly destroyed.
Ralf Grahn
[Edited 2 November 2007]
This was the answer I received from a Finnish government source, when I asked if the Reform Treaty, also known as the Lisbon Treaty, is going to be published as a consolidated version including the existing treaties.
It is impossible to ascertain if the European Council has taken such a decision, because a little while ago the Presidency Conclusions had not been posted on the Council’s web site, even if almost two weeks have passed since the meeting. On the other hand, since the meeting was unofficial, no conclusions are going to appear, but can any decisions be taken without [authentification] accountability?
Anyway, a negative decision would fly in the face of all the rules and principles on openness and transparency that the EU institutions and the national leaders proclaim. I don’t want to believe that they would make a decision so full of contempt for citizens and democratic debate; a decision like that would be a scandal.
On the other hand, if no consolidated versions appear promptly, I have to draw the conclusion that actions speak louder than words.
I received an answer from Sweden, too, but it did nothing to clear the matter. A Swedish consolidated version of the treaties is planned, but when there is an official EU consolidation to start with. This could mean anything from a distant future to never (as we have seen).
Some EU and Finnish officials have not answered as yet.
***
I have discussed the need for consolidated treaties from a number of angles in my web columns: practical viewpoints, the proposed treaties, existing regulations, the Council’s own principles and the Swedish and Finnish governments as champions of openness and transparency.
This has lead to one, crystal clear conclusion: The consolidated versions are essential. The 490 million citizens of the European Union are entitled to the best available information.
***
If the Council does not publish the complete, consolidated treaties promptly, there are but two possibilities to lessen the scandal:
The governments of the member states instantly publish their own consolidated versions on the web, in order to give at least their own citizens correct, sufficient and user friendly information about the most important document of the European Union.
If the individual governments refuse to adhere to their own ideals on openness, some think-tank or scientific research institute in each country takes on the role of champion for the right to democratic debate by publishing its own consolidated treaty version.
I have to admit that my trust in the European Council, the Council and the member states’ governments is shaken. Let it not be wholly destroyed.
Ralf Grahn
[Edited 2 November 2007]
Sweden and Finland: transparency
Sweden and Finland want to be known as champions of openness in the European Union. They have called for more transparency when Regulation (1049/2001) on public access to documents is being revised.
Here are some of the principles the Finnish government has underlined:
Finland considers that it is important to promote transparency and good administration in the European Union, as well as to increase citizens’ possibilities to obtain information and participate in the decision-making. Finland takes the view that widest possible access should be granted to legislative documents, including documents that have an impact on the legislative process. Also, citizens must be given information on the Union and its activities in a more user-friendly way.
When the Swedish government responded to the EU Commission’s Green Paper, Minister of Justice Beatrice Ask emphasized that the revision was an opportunity to advance the cause of transparency in the European Union.
***
We have seen how Sweden and Finland have chosen to position themselves regarding openness or transparency in the European Union.
The basic treaties are the most important documents in the European Union, even if the Reform Treaty or Lisbon Treaty is not called a Constitution.
Nobody can understand the European Union as a whole with the help of only the amendments contained in the new EU Treaty and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The new and the present treaties have to be consolidated in order to offer the reader even a chance to understand the basic rules of the Union. In this case the consolidated version will show the present treaties updated with the proposed amendments.
This is the most important communication task for the European Union for quite a while. If the European Union institutions and the member state governments want to retain any credibility concerning their rules and words on transparency, openness and access to information, they have to publish the consolidated Reform Treaty at once.
***
The Swedish and the Finnish governments have these two choices:
First, the governments should convince the Council of the EU to publish the complete consolidated treaties on its web site in all the official languages of the European Union. Only this guarantees equal treatment of all the citizens of the Union and information accessible to all. Only instant publication gives the citizens correct, sufficient and user-friendly information to understand and discuss the proposed treaty changes. Web publishing can be done instantly and possible later precisions can be added in real time. Printed compilations may follow later.
If the Council does not publish the consolidated treaties at once, Sweden, Finland and every government with a true belief in openness has to make them accessible to its own citizens, now. The same recipe should be followed: instant web publication; print may follow.
There are two possibilities for the governments: Convince the Council or publish yourself.
Ralf Grahn
Sources:
Finland wants to promote transparency in the EU; Ministry of Justice, 5 July 2007; http://www.vn.fi/
The response of Finland to the Commission’s Green Paper on the Revision of the Regulation on Public Access to Documents held by the institutions of the European Community; Ministry of Justice; http://www.om.fi/en/
Avoimuus ja Euroopan unioni; Valtioneuvosto; http://www.valtioneuvosto.fi/
EU; Avoimuus; Vihreä kirja yleisön oikeudesta tutustua yhteisöjen toimielinten hallussa oleviin asiakirjoihin annetun asetuksen tarkistamisesta; EU-ministerivaliokunta 1.6.2007
Öppenhet och EU; http://www.regeringen.se/
Sverige fortsätter att arbeta för ökad öppenhet inom EU; Regeringskansliet, pressmeddelande 6.7.2007; http://www.regeringen.se/
Here are some of the principles the Finnish government has underlined:
Finland considers that it is important to promote transparency and good administration in the European Union, as well as to increase citizens’ possibilities to obtain information and participate in the decision-making. Finland takes the view that widest possible access should be granted to legislative documents, including documents that have an impact on the legislative process. Also, citizens must be given information on the Union and its activities in a more user-friendly way.
When the Swedish government responded to the EU Commission’s Green Paper, Minister of Justice Beatrice Ask emphasized that the revision was an opportunity to advance the cause of transparency in the European Union.
***
We have seen how Sweden and Finland have chosen to position themselves regarding openness or transparency in the European Union.
The basic treaties are the most important documents in the European Union, even if the Reform Treaty or Lisbon Treaty is not called a Constitution.
Nobody can understand the European Union as a whole with the help of only the amendments contained in the new EU Treaty and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The new and the present treaties have to be consolidated in order to offer the reader even a chance to understand the basic rules of the Union. In this case the consolidated version will show the present treaties updated with the proposed amendments.
This is the most important communication task for the European Union for quite a while. If the European Union institutions and the member state governments want to retain any credibility concerning their rules and words on transparency, openness and access to information, they have to publish the consolidated Reform Treaty at once.
***
The Swedish and the Finnish governments have these two choices:
First, the governments should convince the Council of the EU to publish the complete consolidated treaties on its web site in all the official languages of the European Union. Only this guarantees equal treatment of all the citizens of the Union and information accessible to all. Only instant publication gives the citizens correct, sufficient and user-friendly information to understand and discuss the proposed treaty changes. Web publishing can be done instantly and possible later precisions can be added in real time. Printed compilations may follow later.
If the Council does not publish the consolidated treaties at once, Sweden, Finland and every government with a true belief in openness has to make them accessible to its own citizens, now. The same recipe should be followed: instant web publication; print may follow.
There are two possibilities for the governments: Convince the Council or publish yourself.
Ralf Grahn
Sources:
Finland wants to promote transparency in the EU; Ministry of Justice, 5 July 2007; http://www.vn.fi/
The response of Finland to the Commission’s Green Paper on the Revision of the Regulation on Public Access to Documents held by the institutions of the European Community; Ministry of Justice; http://www.om.fi/en/
Avoimuus ja Euroopan unioni; Valtioneuvosto; http://www.valtioneuvosto.fi/
EU; Avoimuus; Vihreä kirja yleisön oikeudesta tutustua yhteisöjen toimielinten hallussa oleviin asiakirjoihin annetun asetuksen tarkistamisesta; EU-ministerivaliokunta 1.6.2007
Öppenhet och EU; http://www.regeringen.se/
Sverige fortsätter att arbeta för ökad öppenhet inom EU; Regeringskansliet, pressmeddelande 6.7.2007; http://www.regeringen.se/
Wednesday, 31 October 2007
EU Council on transparency
Transparency is seen as the main link between the leaders and the citizens of the European Union, not only in the Reform Treaty or Lisbon Treaty (more exactly the EU Treaty and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union).
Let us look at present arrangements.
An ever closer union among the peoples of Europe and the principle of citizenship of the Union are unthinkable without a right to receive information and to participate, although the political rights are still in their infancy.
The right of access to documents has been enshrined in Article 255 of the EC Treaty and general principles elaborated in Regulation (1049/2001/EG), with additional internal rules for the different institutions.
There has been some political pressure to open closed doors, at least ajar.
In June 2006 the European Council, which is the main authority including treaty change (intergovernmental conference), agreed on an overall policy on transparency “which further opens up the work of the Council by making all co-decision debates in the Council public”.
Although the treaties are international, intergovernmental accords, they are much more significant than any secondary legislative acts they authorise.
Therefore, there should be no objection to using principles agreed on for ordinary legislation to be used as guidance for the basic norms of the Union, especially regarding the Council.
The main objective of the overall policy on transparency is found at the beginning of the conclusions: “With a view to further increasing openness, transparency and accountability, the European Council agrees on the following measures aiming at a stronger involvement of citizens in the work of the Union”.
Even if the conclusions called it an overall policy on transparency, their main thrust was on public debates in the Council. Still, in addition to the general aim to increase openness and accountability, the conclusions include other guiding principles relevant to the handling of atypical legal acts like the basic treaties:
“The incoming Presidency is invited, together with the General Secretariat of the Council, to develop new means of giving more publicity to public deliberations, in particular through the Council’s web site and mailing list, an easily accessible and constantly updated list of forthcoming debates, appropriate background material, as well as direct communication to target audiences. They will work closely together to provide the media and citizens with an open, rapid and technically advanced communication service.”
Information on the Council web site and appropriate background material as well as an open, rapid, constantly updated and technically advanced communication service look like a prescription for the Council on how to handle the publishing of the Lisbon Treaty in a comprehensible form and in a timely manner.
***
There are no documents in the European Union with more relevance for 490 million people than the basic treaties.
There is only one possible conclusion regarding the citizens of the Union and their possibilities to understand and debate the amending treaties:
The Council of the European Union has to consolidate the Lisbon Treaty at once and to publish the complete consolidated versions instantly on its web site in all the official languages of the Union.
Ralf Grahn
Source:
General Secretariat of the Council of the EU: Information sheet: An overall policy on transparency; Brussels, 16 June 2006; http://www.consilium.europa.eu
Let us look at present arrangements.
An ever closer union among the peoples of Europe and the principle of citizenship of the Union are unthinkable without a right to receive information and to participate, although the political rights are still in their infancy.
The right of access to documents has been enshrined in Article 255 of the EC Treaty and general principles elaborated in Regulation (1049/2001/EG), with additional internal rules for the different institutions.
There has been some political pressure to open closed doors, at least ajar.
In June 2006 the European Council, which is the main authority including treaty change (intergovernmental conference), agreed on an overall policy on transparency “which further opens up the work of the Council by making all co-decision debates in the Council public”.
Although the treaties are international, intergovernmental accords, they are much more significant than any secondary legislative acts they authorise.
Therefore, there should be no objection to using principles agreed on for ordinary legislation to be used as guidance for the basic norms of the Union, especially regarding the Council.
The main objective of the overall policy on transparency is found at the beginning of the conclusions: “With a view to further increasing openness, transparency and accountability, the European Council agrees on the following measures aiming at a stronger involvement of citizens in the work of the Union”.
Even if the conclusions called it an overall policy on transparency, their main thrust was on public debates in the Council. Still, in addition to the general aim to increase openness and accountability, the conclusions include other guiding principles relevant to the handling of atypical legal acts like the basic treaties:
“The incoming Presidency is invited, together with the General Secretariat of the Council, to develop new means of giving more publicity to public deliberations, in particular through the Council’s web site and mailing list, an easily accessible and constantly updated list of forthcoming debates, appropriate background material, as well as direct communication to target audiences. They will work closely together to provide the media and citizens with an open, rapid and technically advanced communication service.”
Information on the Council web site and appropriate background material as well as an open, rapid, constantly updated and technically advanced communication service look like a prescription for the Council on how to handle the publishing of the Lisbon Treaty in a comprehensible form and in a timely manner.
***
There are no documents in the European Union with more relevance for 490 million people than the basic treaties.
There is only one possible conclusion regarding the citizens of the Union and their possibilities to understand and debate the amending treaties:
The Council of the European Union has to consolidate the Lisbon Treaty at once and to publish the complete consolidated versions instantly on its web site in all the official languages of the Union.
Ralf Grahn
Source:
General Secretariat of the Council of the EU: Information sheet: An overall policy on transparency; Brussels, 16 June 2006; http://www.consilium.europa.eu
Tuesday, 30 October 2007
EU transparency test
The Reform Treaty or Lisbon Treaty itself of the European Union is going to be the main test of its democratic principles, especially transparency. It is generally known that it is impossible to get a general picture of the EU if you read only the amendments included in the amending treaties. Therefore, you have to compare the existing treaties with the amending treaties, paragraph by paragraph; a tedious task.
This is putting an unfair burden on interested citizens (and experts). I have called for instant publication on the web of the entire updated treaties, consolidated versions, to be made accessible to every citizen of the EU, in all the official languages.
The main responsibility lies with the Council. The following alternative (if the Commission or the European Parliament does not step in) is publication by the individual governments of the member states. If even that fails, we have to hope for civic-minded action by think-tanks and scientific research institutes.
***
The new EU Treaty should inspire the Council to do its utmost to satisfy all calls for relevant information:
“Every citizen shall have the right to participate in the democratic life of the Union. Decisions shall be taken as openly and as closely as possible to the citizen.” (proposed article 8a paragraph 3)
“The institutions shall, by appropriate means, give citizens and representative associations the opportunity to make known and publicly exchange their views in all areas of Union action.” (proposed article 8b paragraph 1)
“The institutions shall maintain an open, transparent and regular dialogue with representative associations and civil society.” (proposed article 8b parargraph 2)
***
The same spirit of openness permeates the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union:
“In order to promote good governance and ensure the participation of civil society, the Union institutions, bodies, offices and agencies shall conduct their work as openly as possible.” (proposed article 15 paragraph 1)
***
We have seen the commendable principles the governments have endorsed on behalf of the European Union and themselves.
Consolidated versions of the new treaties are sorely needed. When do we get them? Who publishes them?
Ralf Grahn
This is putting an unfair burden on interested citizens (and experts). I have called for instant publication on the web of the entire updated treaties, consolidated versions, to be made accessible to every citizen of the EU, in all the official languages.
The main responsibility lies with the Council. The following alternative (if the Commission or the European Parliament does not step in) is publication by the individual governments of the member states. If even that fails, we have to hope for civic-minded action by think-tanks and scientific research institutes.
***
The new EU Treaty should inspire the Council to do its utmost to satisfy all calls for relevant information:
“Every citizen shall have the right to participate in the democratic life of the Union. Decisions shall be taken as openly and as closely as possible to the citizen.” (proposed article 8a paragraph 3)
“The institutions shall, by appropriate means, give citizens and representative associations the opportunity to make known and publicly exchange their views in all areas of Union action.” (proposed article 8b paragraph 1)
“The institutions shall maintain an open, transparent and regular dialogue with representative associations and civil society.” (proposed article 8b parargraph 2)
***
The same spirit of openness permeates the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union:
“In order to promote good governance and ensure the participation of civil society, the Union institutions, bodies, offices and agencies shall conduct their work as openly as possible.” (proposed article 15 paragraph 1)
***
We have seen the commendable principles the governments have endorsed on behalf of the European Union and themselves.
Consolidated versions of the new treaties are sorely needed. When do we get them? Who publishes them?
Ralf Grahn
Sunday, 28 October 2007
Consolidated treaties needed now!
When the voters in France and the Netherlands spoiled the chance for the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe for all of us EU citizens, they paved the way for still more intergovernmentalism and a treaty reform leading to amendments of the present EU and EC treaties.
Even Jens Peter Bonde has said that he would prefer the Constitutional Treaty to the Reform Treaty (Lisbon Treaty) now approved, if he had to choose between them.
Margot Wallström of the Commission – one of those legendary unelected Brussels officials – has done her utmost to engage the citizens of the European Union, but since the governments of the member states are the ones who have taken over the reform process (and, more than ever, the EU), I address my appeal to them: national governments and their creatures, the intergovernmental conference and the Council:
Give us consolidated versions of the new treaties, now!
***
Naturally, it is a good thing that the treaty amendments have been published on the Council website. But every one who wants to understand the changes has to compare the amending treaties with the basic treaties in force (not to be found in every home). Even with all the texts, comparison line by line is hard work.
This is an unfair burden on active and interested citizens, when the Council has all the facts, the knowledge needed and an obligation to inform the citizens of the Union.
Instant publication of consolidated versions, presenting the entire treaties including the proposed amendments, would ease the task of many engaged citizens, and it might lead to less misconceptions and distortions in the public debate.
Uninformed citizens are easily misinformed citizens.
***
If the Council does not see the light, the individual governments should act quickly to inform their respective populations.
Has any government announced that it is going to proceed?
***
If the Council and the governments shirk their responsibilities, we have to appeal to think-tanks and scientific institutes to step in.
The Real Instituto Elcano has done just that, publishing the first complete consolidation I know of, in Spanish: http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org
There we have an example to emulate!
A while ago I mentioned that the Institut d’Études Européennes of the Université Libre de Bruxelles had published a consolidated version of both treaties in French and the EU Treaty in English, in the form presented by the legal experts. See IEE-ULB: http://www.iee-ulb.eu => Research => Publications
***
Costly and time consuming print publications are less important then timely information on the web.
It is no excuse that the consolidated versions are unofficial; so are all consolidations. It is no excuse to wait until the treaties have been ratified; the time for informed, and perhaps less uninformed, debate is now.
No earthly powers are going to be able to make the Lisbon Treaties easy to read or comprehend, but the public should be given every opportunity to know all there is to know.
Ralf Grahn
Even Jens Peter Bonde has said that he would prefer the Constitutional Treaty to the Reform Treaty (Lisbon Treaty) now approved, if he had to choose between them.
Margot Wallström of the Commission – one of those legendary unelected Brussels officials – has done her utmost to engage the citizens of the European Union, but since the governments of the member states are the ones who have taken over the reform process (and, more than ever, the EU), I address my appeal to them: national governments and their creatures, the intergovernmental conference and the Council:
Give us consolidated versions of the new treaties, now!
***
Naturally, it is a good thing that the treaty amendments have been published on the Council website. But every one who wants to understand the changes has to compare the amending treaties with the basic treaties in force (not to be found in every home). Even with all the texts, comparison line by line is hard work.
This is an unfair burden on active and interested citizens, when the Council has all the facts, the knowledge needed and an obligation to inform the citizens of the Union.
Instant publication of consolidated versions, presenting the entire treaties including the proposed amendments, would ease the task of many engaged citizens, and it might lead to less misconceptions and distortions in the public debate.
Uninformed citizens are easily misinformed citizens.
***
If the Council does not see the light, the individual governments should act quickly to inform their respective populations.
Has any government announced that it is going to proceed?
***
If the Council and the governments shirk their responsibilities, we have to appeal to think-tanks and scientific institutes to step in.
The Real Instituto Elcano has done just that, publishing the first complete consolidation I know of, in Spanish: http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org
There we have an example to emulate!
A while ago I mentioned that the Institut d’Études Européennes of the Université Libre de Bruxelles had published a consolidated version of both treaties in French and the EU Treaty in English, in the form presented by the legal experts. See IEE-ULB: http://www.iee-ulb.eu => Research => Publications
***
Costly and time consuming print publications are less important then timely information on the web.
It is no excuse that the consolidated versions are unofficial; so are all consolidations. It is no excuse to wait until the treaties have been ratified; the time for informed, and perhaps less uninformed, debate is now.
No earthly powers are going to be able to make the Lisbon Treaties easy to read or comprehend, but the public should be given every opportunity to know all there is to know.
Ralf Grahn
EU Lisbon Treaty main points
The Reform Treaty, or Lisbon Treaty, of the European Union is opaque for experts and hopeless for ordinary citizens. The present treaties are amended, so anyone interested in comprehending the whole has to read the present EU and EC treaties alongside the amendments, paragraph by paragraph. The annexed protocols and declarations have reached new levels of disparity and incomprehensibility.
Still, the bravest citizens can access the authentic texts on the web pages of the Council, in all the official languages of the European Union:
http://www.consilium.europa.eu/cms3_fo/showPage.asp?id=1317&lang=en&mode=g
The documents approved by the intergovernmental conference have been added, as well as a few technical adjustments. Further technical precisions are possible, if linguistic corrections are made.
The signing ceremony is planned for 13 December 2007 in Lisbon, so the treaty package is probably going to be referred to as the Lisbon Treaty in the future.
***
Citizens, who are interested, but with less of a masochistic bent, are able to find shorter press releases and comments with the main ingredients of the Reform Treaty.
Here is a small European sample.
In English:
What Lisbon contains; Economist 25.10.2007; http://www.economist.com
Hugo Brady & Katinka Barysch: The CER guide to the Reform Treaty; October 2007; http://www.cer.org.uk
Over and done with – at last; European Policy Centre 24.10.2007; http://www.epc.eu
Daniel Gros & Stefano Micossi: Two for the price of one? Centre for European Policy Studies CEPS 22.10.2007; http://www.ceps.eu
Jean-Dominique Giuliani : Understanding the European Council in Lisbon and the Reform Treaty; Fondation Robert Schuman; http://www.robert-schuman.eu
In Dutch:
Mendeltje van Keulen, Bas Limonard & Jan Rood: De Europese Unie na het Verdrag van Lissabon; Clingendael European Studies Programme 22.10.2007; http://www.clingendael.nl
In French:
Jean-Dominique Giuliani: Comprendre le Conseil européen de Lisbonne et le Traité réformateur ; Fenêtre sur l’Europe 22.10.2007 ; http://www.fenetreeurope.com
Audition de Pervenche Berès, sur le Traité modificatif ; Confrontations Europe 19.10.2007 ; http://www.confrontations.org
In Swedish :
Statsminister(n)s upplysning till riksdagen om resultaten från regeringskonferensen 23.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
Ett nytt fördrag för EU; Regeringskansliet 24.10.2007; http://www.regeringen.se
Reformfördragets innehåll; EU-upplysningen 8.10.2007; http://www.eu-upplysningen.se
EU:s reformfördrag; Regeringskansliet 24.10.2007; http://www.regeringen.se
Detta innehåller reformfördraget; Europa-Nytt 22.10.2007; http://www.europanytt.se
EU-länderna godkände reformfördraget; Statsrådets kommunikationsenhet 19.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
In Finnish:
EU:n sopimusuudistus; Eurooppa-tiedotus 26.10.2007; http://www.eurooppa-tiedotus.fi
EU:n uudistussopimus eli Lissabonin sopimus, tietosivu 3/2007; Eurooppa-tiedotus 26.10.2007; http://www.eurooppa-tiedotus.fi
EU-maat hyväksyivät uudistussopimuksen; Valtioneuvoston viestintäyksikkö 19.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
Pääministerin ilmoitus eduskunnalle hallitustenvälisen konferenssin tuloksista 23.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
***
Perhaps you readers would be kind enough to communicate on other useful summaries or publications you have come across.
Ralf Grahn
Still, the bravest citizens can access the authentic texts on the web pages of the Council, in all the official languages of the European Union:
http://www.consilium.europa.eu/cms3_fo/showPage.asp?id=1317&lang=en&mode=g
The documents approved by the intergovernmental conference have been added, as well as a few technical adjustments. Further technical precisions are possible, if linguistic corrections are made.
The signing ceremony is planned for 13 December 2007 in Lisbon, so the treaty package is probably going to be referred to as the Lisbon Treaty in the future.
***
Citizens, who are interested, but with less of a masochistic bent, are able to find shorter press releases and comments with the main ingredients of the Reform Treaty.
Here is a small European sample.
In English:
What Lisbon contains; Economist 25.10.2007; http://www.economist.com
Hugo Brady & Katinka Barysch: The CER guide to the Reform Treaty; October 2007; http://www.cer.org.uk
Over and done with – at last; European Policy Centre 24.10.2007; http://www.epc.eu
Daniel Gros & Stefano Micossi: Two for the price of one? Centre for European Policy Studies CEPS 22.10.2007; http://www.ceps.eu
Jean-Dominique Giuliani : Understanding the European Council in Lisbon and the Reform Treaty; Fondation Robert Schuman; http://www.robert-schuman.eu
In Dutch:
Mendeltje van Keulen, Bas Limonard & Jan Rood: De Europese Unie na het Verdrag van Lissabon; Clingendael European Studies Programme 22.10.2007; http://www.clingendael.nl
In French:
Jean-Dominique Giuliani: Comprendre le Conseil européen de Lisbonne et le Traité réformateur ; Fenêtre sur l’Europe 22.10.2007 ; http://www.fenetreeurope.com
Audition de Pervenche Berès, sur le Traité modificatif ; Confrontations Europe 19.10.2007 ; http://www.confrontations.org
In Swedish :
Statsminister(n)s upplysning till riksdagen om resultaten från regeringskonferensen 23.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
Ett nytt fördrag för EU; Regeringskansliet 24.10.2007; http://www.regeringen.se
Reformfördragets innehåll; EU-upplysningen 8.10.2007; http://www.eu-upplysningen.se
EU:s reformfördrag; Regeringskansliet 24.10.2007; http://www.regeringen.se
Detta innehåller reformfördraget; Europa-Nytt 22.10.2007; http://www.europanytt.se
EU-länderna godkände reformfördraget; Statsrådets kommunikationsenhet 19.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
In Finnish:
EU:n sopimusuudistus; Eurooppa-tiedotus 26.10.2007; http://www.eurooppa-tiedotus.fi
EU:n uudistussopimus eli Lissabonin sopimus, tietosivu 3/2007; Eurooppa-tiedotus 26.10.2007; http://www.eurooppa-tiedotus.fi
EU-maat hyväksyivät uudistussopimuksen; Valtioneuvoston viestintäyksikkö 19.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
Pääministerin ilmoitus eduskunnalle hallitustenvälisen konferenssin tuloksista 23.10.2007; http://www.vn.fi
***
Perhaps you readers would be kind enough to communicate on other useful summaries or publications you have come across.
Ralf Grahn
Thursday, 25 October 2007
EU multiannual financial framework
The finances of the European Union are mostly presented according to the relevant treaty provisions on budgetary procedure or give an overview of spending categories. However, the importance of present and future parliamentary features concerning annual budgets is relative, since both resources and expenditure are firmly lodged with the member state governments. The key to this is the multiannual financial framework, a compelling budget for the mid term.
The governments of the member states are driven by their divergent national interests and have to reach a unanimous decision (liberum veto). The substantial result is less than satisfactory for the citizens of the Union. Reaching an outcome more satisfying to the common interest would require a reform of the decision making for the financial framework.
The next financial framework should be in place at the beginning of 2014, so the Reform Treaty should have entered into force by then. The new treaty includes a new chapter “The multiannual finanancial framework” (Article 270a).
Until now, these multiannual budgets have grown in practice (inter-institutional agreements), without treaty basis, but now this practice would be codified. Since the annual budgets shall comply with the multiannual framework, this is the decisive financial document of the European Union (as it is today).
Member state governments retain decision making and veto power:
The Council, acting in accordance with a special legislative procedure, shall adopt a regulation laying down the multiannual financial framework for a period of at least five years. (Five years would coincide with the mandates of the Commission and the European Parliament. The present financial framework encompasses seven years.) The Council shall act unanimously after obtaining the consent of the European Parliament, which shall be given by a majority of its component members (Article 270a, paragraph 1 and 2).
What if the European Parliament wanted to force the member state governments (the Council) to reform the budgets for the coming years by rejecting their financial framework?
Where no Council regulation determining a new financial framework has been adopted by the end of the previous financial framework, the ceilings and other provisions corresponding to the last year of that framework shall be extended until such time as that act is adopted (Article 270a, paragraph 4).
In other words, if the European Parliament does not take what it is offered, the following budgets are going to be built on priorities and expenditure levels fixed five or seven years earlier. This rule opens up possibilities for a member state government bent on sabotage, too. Thus, if no new financial framework is in place at the beginning of 2014, the budget then (and later) would reflect the political and negotiating positions of 2005 and 2006.
The “Lisbon Treaty” opens the door to an improved decision making process, although it is hard to believe that the governments would actually be mature enough to make use of this provision:
The European Council may, unanimously, adopt a decision authorising the Council to act by a qualified majority when adopting the regulation laying down the financial framework (Article 270a, paragraph 2).
The member states would still be in charge, but the chances for a somewhat more rational outcome would increase.
How many citizens of the European Union actually believe that 27 governments, unanimously, are going to be mature enough to let go of their veto power before 2014?
Ralf Grahn
The governments of the member states are driven by their divergent national interests and have to reach a unanimous decision (liberum veto). The substantial result is less than satisfactory for the citizens of the Union. Reaching an outcome more satisfying to the common interest would require a reform of the decision making for the financial framework.
The next financial framework should be in place at the beginning of 2014, so the Reform Treaty should have entered into force by then. The new treaty includes a new chapter “The multiannual finanancial framework” (Article 270a).
Until now, these multiannual budgets have grown in practice (inter-institutional agreements), without treaty basis, but now this practice would be codified. Since the annual budgets shall comply with the multiannual framework, this is the decisive financial document of the European Union (as it is today).
Member state governments retain decision making and veto power:
The Council, acting in accordance with a special legislative procedure, shall adopt a regulation laying down the multiannual financial framework for a period of at least five years. (Five years would coincide with the mandates of the Commission and the European Parliament. The present financial framework encompasses seven years.) The Council shall act unanimously after obtaining the consent of the European Parliament, which shall be given by a majority of its component members (Article 270a, paragraph 1 and 2).
What if the European Parliament wanted to force the member state governments (the Council) to reform the budgets for the coming years by rejecting their financial framework?
Where no Council regulation determining a new financial framework has been adopted by the end of the previous financial framework, the ceilings and other provisions corresponding to the last year of that framework shall be extended until such time as that act is adopted (Article 270a, paragraph 4).
In other words, if the European Parliament does not take what it is offered, the following budgets are going to be built on priorities and expenditure levels fixed five or seven years earlier. This rule opens up possibilities for a member state government bent on sabotage, too. Thus, if no new financial framework is in place at the beginning of 2014, the budget then (and later) would reflect the political and negotiating positions of 2005 and 2006.
The “Lisbon Treaty” opens the door to an improved decision making process, although it is hard to believe that the governments would actually be mature enough to make use of this provision:
The European Council may, unanimously, adopt a decision authorising the Council to act by a qualified majority when adopting the regulation laying down the financial framework (Article 270a, paragraph 2).
The member states would still be in charge, but the chances for a somewhat more rational outcome would increase.
How many citizens of the European Union actually believe that 27 governments, unanimously, are going to be mature enough to let go of their veto power before 2014?
Ralf Grahn
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