Showing posts with label EU citizenship. Show all posts
Showing posts with label EU citizenship. Show all posts

Tuesday, 17 January 2017

A single market to consumers and citizens (2010) introduced

The latest Grahnlaw blog post concerning the development of the internal market during this decade looked at the report by professor Mario Monti: A new strategy for the single market at the service of Europe’s economy and society (9 May 2010; 107 pages).


Consumers and citizens

In parallel with Monti’s work the European Parliament prepared an own-initiative report - 2010/2011(INI) -  drafted by Louis Grech (S&D) and approved 3 May 2010 by the Internal Market and Consumer Protection Committee (IMCO) for the plenary.

The report on delivering a single market to consumers and citizens A7-0132/2010 was debated in the EP plenary on 19 May 2010 together with three other reports - here a summary of the discussion in Swedish - and voted the following day: 578 for, 28 against and 16 abstentions.


Resolution P7_TA(2010)0186

After documenting the relevant internal market policy and assessment papers at the time, the European Parliament resolution of 20 May 2010 on delivering a single market to consumers and citizens P7_TA(2010)0186 reminded readers of the remaining obstacles  in the way of citizens, consumers and SMEs wishing to move, shop, sell or trade across borders with the same sense of security and confidence they enjoy in their own member states.

***

Today, this is a potent reminder of how negligently many national (even European Council and EU Council) politicians treat their duty to promote the EU citizenship right to move and reside freely, as well as the four internal market freedoms: the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital.


Ralf Grahn

Thursday, 13 January 2011

Time for a UK mass exodus from the clutches of the EUSSR? (5 x updated)

Was I uncharitable regarding British tabloids, large parts of the political establishment and the UK educational system, which have utterly failed to frame the UK discussion on ”Europe” in constructive and forward-looking terms? My criticism in UK and the fall of the ”EU dictatorship” (12 January 2011) seems mild in comparison to fellow euroblogger @Nosemonkey who tweeted about the ”barking mad #EUbill reading/debate”.


Westminster bubble

Generally ”Europe” is treated as an alien, hostile and threatening empire (EUSSR), rather than as the team the United Kingdom is playing on (and should be playing for).

I invite you to be your own judge. Read the record of the 11 January debate on the European Union Bill in the Westminster Parliament.

How do you, as an EU citizen, perceive that the House of Commons debate on parliamentary sovereignty (or Crown in Parliament), especially the Tory rebellion led by Bill Cash targeting the independence of courts (the rule of law), addresses our real concerns about values, security and prosperity in a world increasingly shaped by rising powers (BRICs)?


Bleak House ahead

The Gulf Stream Blues blog noted that the Tory rebellion was defeated, but the government's European Union Bill is heading for adoption, and Bleak House lies ahead: UK throws a spanner in EU integration (12 January 2011):

In the end, if the British vote 'no' on something the rest of the EU is ready to approve, the only logical next step would be for the British to have an 'in or out' referendum on its own membership. One can't quite predict how that will go, but I suspect it would be a 'yes' because deep down the British know they need the EU. But they can't stay in it if they're going to drag it down by rejecting every attempt at treaty change.

So there you have it, quite a bleak future for the UK's relationship with the EU. And there's little chance of this bill being overturned by a later government.

For Europeans, being dragged down by the United Kingdom is not the brightest of prospects.


Sterile sovereignty

In my view, framing the debate about the European Union in terms of (parliamentary) sovereignty is sterile. The rights and interest of citizens are primary, which a House self-obsessed with its own sovereignty does little to serve.

Yesterday, the Federal Union blog made a similar observation, in: Where sovereignty lies (12 January 2011). What matters, are the rights of citizens, not the rights of MPs. The rights of citizens need to be strengthened:

For a number of reasons, most of them good ones, the principle that what parliament says, goes, is no longer unbending. International treaty obligations, including notably those of the European Union, plus many other home-grown concerns, combine to restrict what parliament may do. Purists of the old school, as exemplified by Bill Cash, may dislike what has happened, but it is nevertheless the case. Even leaving the EU would not restore parliamentary powers to their former glory. What matters, though, are the rights of citizens, not the rights of MPs – do not confuse the two – and those rights are being strengthened.


Pace of learning

In the political culture of the United Kingdom the concept and meaning of national citizenship have yet to take root.

Sixty years after the establishment of the Council of Europe (CoE) and the conclusion of the (European) Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR), the protection of citizens' rights through the rule of law seems alien to considerable parts of the British political establishement.

In addition, the rulings by the European Court of Human Rights ECtHR are often confused with decisions by the European Union, itself no spring chicken, with roots going back to the 1957 (EEC) Treaty of Rome.

If you do not believe me about the constant confusion and misinformation, see Talking about the EU: The European Court of Human Rights is NOT an EU institution (11 January 2011).


Ignore, deny or accept

Ignoring, denying and accepting all seem to be alternatives equally presentable, even if we discuss a matter of fact.

Little wonder that the Federal Trust is going to host a conference 20 January 2011 on these great unknowns: Citizenship and the Lisbon Treaty – can the British ever be European citizens?


Dual citizenship

Despite the excruciatingly slow pace of learning, legally the case is clear. Citizenship of the European Union was introduced by the Treaty on European Union (TEU), also known as the Maastricht Treaty, which was signed in 1992 and entered into force in 1993.

Today, this dual citizenship – national and EU – is enshrined in Title II on provisions on democratic principles of the Treaty on European Union (OJEU 30.3.2010 C 83/20):

TITLE II
PROVISIONS ON DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES

Article 9 TEU

In all its activities, the Union shall observe the principle of the equality of its citizens, who shall receive equal attention from its institutions, bodies, offices and agencies. Every national of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union. Citizenship of the Union shall be additional to and not replace national citizenship.

Concrete provisions on and benefits of the bonus EU citizenship are found in Part Two of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), Non-discrimination and citizenship of the Union (Articles 18 to 25).

Through the treaties and secondary legislation EU citizenship confers some, but not full, political rights on the citizens. The European Union is still ”owned” by the member states, instead of vested in its citizens.

The member states even hold the keys to who becomes an EU citizen, since it follows automatically from national citizenship, without effective brakes on mass naturalisation by an individual government: National and EU citizenship: What if? (30 November 2010). .

As we saw, EU citizenship is less than twenty years old, almost nothing compared to the age of the Council of Europe, the ECHR, the Treaty of Rome (EEC) and other landmarks of European integration still freely ignored or misunderstood by large sections of British media and nationals.


Ignorance or denial?

Should we rejoice that denial is better than ignorance, because the denier at least is aware of the existence of his or her citizenship of the European Union?

In addition, the protest comes without cost. If you tell the world that you reject your EU citizenship, you still retain your status and the benefits.

The effective, non-gratuitous way to get rid of EU citizenship is to become a national of a state which is neither an EU member, nor a potential member. This leaves plenty of exotic options among the 192 member states of the United Nations.


Mass exodus?

The Tory rebellion having failed, European Union Bill of the UK government is on the road to the statute book, and the campaigns to get Britain out of the EU seem to be going nowhere (even if UK secession might be a blessing for the rest of the union).

Why don't the tabloids, Bill Cash, Daniel Hannan and others act in the spirit of the Pilgrim Fathers to flee oppression by the EUSSR dictatorship and head for a new start in a more promising land?

Afghanistan? Belarus? Burma? Cuba? North Korea? Iran? Libya? Pakistan? Saudi Arabia? Zimbabwe?

The choice is almost endless for those who cherish their age-old English liberties enough to flee the evil European Union. (See Freedom in the World, Freedom House ratings of more than a hundred countries in 2010.)

Do I see lines forming in front of the Consulates, crowds crying Exodus, English political notables packing their bags and media campaigning in overdrive to spur people to take liberty into their own hands?


Update 13 January 2011: The European Citizen has written a blog post on the trials and tribulations of the UK Parliament to come to terms with sovereignty in the context of the debate on the European Union Bill.


Update 2, 14 January 2011: Nosemonkey has returned to the EU and UK sovereignty in a long, but interesting blog post.


Update 3, 14 January 2011: Eva en Europa writes (in Spanish) about the British drift away from the rest of Europe manifested by the European Union Bill debate.


Update 4, 14 January 2011: The House of Commons debate on the European Union Bill does not convince Caroline Bradley of Blenderlaw about the merits of parliamentary sovereignty.


Update 5, January 2011: Charles Reed on the Ethics and Foreign Policy blog wonders if the European Union Bill introduces referendums for the wrong type of questions.



Ralf Grahn



P.S. The Parliament magazine focuses on the directly elected European Parliament, which co-legislates on more of the important issues concerning EU businesses and citizens than before the Lisbon Treaty. Lobbyists have spotted the influence of the EP. Should EU citizens too?

Wednesday, 8 December 2010

EU Commission promoting your electoral rights?

After looking at the EU for the disabled and ageing (7 December 2010) we move to the web page with factsheets for EU citizens. The second one is:

Promoting your EU electoral rights

On two A4 pages the Commission describes potential problems, offers a light touch description of basic electoral rights and publicizes its proposals to improve the situation.

As in the previous leaflet, the Commission does not offer any references to the facts and views expressed.

In this case the main source seems to be the EP election report COM(2010) 605, a document lacking vision and ambition, in my view.

The first two factsheets have been light on facts. They have highlighted Commission actions, without offering leads to more detailed materials.

Although I am all for placing the citizens at the centre of the European Union – even impatient - at this stage I am wondering if these brochures have a well defined target group and a useful purpose – but there are eight more to go.



Ralf Grahn



P.S. The Italian journalist Marco Zatterin runs an active and expert blog called Straneuropa at LaStampa.it. Recommended reading.

Monday, 6 December 2010

EU's ”bonus citizenship”: Factsheets for EU citizens

Viviane Reding is the member of the European Commission responsible for citizenship, as well as justice and fundamental rights. Although I was far from impressed by the Commission report about the EP elections, Reding has done a lot to keep the issues of EU citizenship alive.

While the Justice and Home Affairs Council only briefly took note of the Commission's 2010 EU citizenship report, vice-president Reding was actively building bridges towards citizens of the European Union, as shown by the brand new press release, information page and factsheets mentioned in the blog post (in Finnish, but most links to materials in English): Esitteitä ja virallistietoa Euroopan unionin kansalaisen oikeuksista (4 December 2010).

In a comment on Grahnlaw, Mark Gris wanted us to check out the factsheets on EU citizenship.

I had decided to do it at a leisurely pace, highlighting one factsheet at a time, but let us start with the press release containing the needed links for the ones who are more impatient:

European Commission puts citizenship at the heart of justice and social affairs policies; Brussels 3 December 2010, IP/10/1642.REV

Even if the political rights of EU citizens are underdeveloped, the additional union citizenship status is a ”bonus citizenship”, patriarchally offering keys to some practical benefits.



Ralf Grahn



P.S. Spain is one of the top countries in the Euroblogosphere, offering both quality and quantity. On the Spanish Euroblog – Blog colectivo europeo – hosted by El País, many of the top eurobloggers in Spain publish their posts, so there is a healthy variety of writers and themes.

Wednesday, 1 December 2010

Commission conclusions regarding EU citizenship

In previous posts on my blogs, I have commented on aspects of the progress report from the European Commission:

On progress towards effective EU Citizenship 2007-2010; Brussels 27.10.2010, COM(2010) 602 final

In this blog entry we first present the conclusions of the progress report (page 13):


This Report takes stock of the main developments on EU Citizenship rights and constitutes an important element on the basis of which further action is identified in the EU Citizenship Report 2010, notably as regards the right to free movement and residence, consular protection of unrepresented EU citizens abroad and rights of citizens to vote and stand as candidates in municipal and European elections in their Member State of residence.

Starting next year, the Commission will make an annual assessment of the Treaty provisions on the rights attached to EU Citizenship in the context of the Annual Report on the application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, which will be issued for the first time in 2011.

This should allow the Commission to present every three years a more substantiated diagnosis of the situation, the remaining obstacles that citizens face, and announce remedies to strengthen EU Citizenship rights.

In the first paragraph, the Commission announced the main issues to look for in the Citizenship Report COM(2010) 603, when we soldier on.

We look forward to the promised Annual Report on the application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, including its assessment of citizenship rights, beginning next year.


Population and citizenship

The annex presents interesting facts about the number and proportion of nationals and non-nationals (EU citizens and third country citizens)(page 15).

There are huge variations in the relative sizes. In Luxembourg 43.5 per cent of the total population are non-nationals (overwhelmingly from other EU countries), whereas the proportion of non-nationals in Poland and Romania hardly registered: 0.1 per cent.



Ralf Grahn



P.S. The Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA) in Dublin, Ireland, offers what we could call IIEA blogs, with quality entries.

EU citizenship: What is progress?

Yesterday I thought about the meaning of progress, when I read the progress report from the Commission:

On progress towards effective EU Citizenship 2007-2010; Brussels 27.10.2010, COM(2010) 602 final

Is it progress when the member states have left it to each other and international law to create citizens of the European Union, and the Commission does not even discuss questionable decisions on mass naturalisation and potential problems? In: National and EU citizenship: What if? (30 November 2010).

Is it progress when the Commission had turned less transparent by taking away the Visa Handbook from its website, making the claimed improvements hard to verify? In: EU citizenship: Visas for family members (30 November 2010).

Perhaps you should download this version while you can: Commission decision of 19.3.2010 establishing the Handbook for the processing of visa applications and the modification of issued visas; Brussels, 19.3.2010 C(2010) 1620 final


Free movement and residence


Despite the Citizenship Directive 2004/38, the Visa Code Regulation 810/2009 and the improvements claimed by the Commission in its Visa Handbook C(2010) 1620, issues concerning the free movement and residence of EU citizens and their family members have continued to vex the people concerned during 2010. Progress report, page 7:


Additional enquiries related to free movement and residence of EU citizens and their family members were received and handled by SOLVIT. Statistics regarding the reporting period show a steady substantial increase of the percentage of free movement and residence related problems submitted to SOLVIT, rising from 15% of the SOLVIT case volume in 2007, to 20% in 2008 and 38% in 2009, when residence-related issues became the area with the biggest share of complaints (549 cases handled and closed with 92% of cases solved). In the first six months of 2010, SOLVIT received (out of a total of almost 7 000 enquiries) 1 314 enquiries on free movement and residence related issues.

There are currently 63 infringement proceedings launched against Member States in the area of free movement and residence of EU citizens.


In the area of free movement, the Commission promised to give enforcement priority (including infringement procedures), but also to address issues of abuse and fraud together with the member states and to promote the smooth administration of free movement issues (page 8 of the progress report), as presented in more detail in the EU Citizenship Report COM(2010) 603.



Ralf Grahn



P.S.For academics, blogging is almost like getting visibility in real life. Ideas on Europe is a multi-user blog site which provides an impartial and unbiased platform for informed analysis, comment and debate. The site is administered by UACES, whose membership consists of over 1000 academics, practitioners and research students. Among the active bloggers who have ventured outside the ebony towers we find promising (young) academics such as Giorgio Tabagari, Jaanika Erne, Europe on the Strand (collective), Ronny Patz, Pietro De Matteis, Nick Wright, European Geostrategy (collective) and Politika (Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão).

Monday, 29 November 2010

Concrete benefits to EU citizens on the move

After the general press release available in 22 EU languages and mentioned in the previous blog post, we turn to how the European Commission presented its reform package for citizens' rights in more detail (only in English):

European Commission adopts plan to bring concrete benefits to EU citizens on the move; Brussels, 27 October 2010, MEMO/10/525

The Commission referred to the citizenship report by Alain Lamassoure MEP (which I have presented earlier on my blogs) before offering a few figures about the issues:

In 2009, about 11.9 million EU citizens were living outside their home Member State. The number of complaints and enquiries that the Commission receives from citizens every year is rising: in 2009 the Europe Direct Contact Centre received 25,721 enquires on cross-border issues, including travelling, buying and selling, studying, working and living in other Member States. Today's plan responds to many of these concerns.

As we see, almost 12 million EU citizens live in a permanent cross-border situation, whereas huge numbers make more or less brief 'visits', through business or leisure travel, by being posted abroad for a limited time, or through online buying.

The Commission presented examples of five reform initiatives, concerning car registration, cross-border healthcare and Ehealth technologies, consular protection, package travel, and improving information for EU citizens.

The Commission then offered brief outlines of 25 planned actions to improve the daily life of EU citizens.



Ralf Grahn



P.S. Part of the BBC's coverage of EU affairs, Gavin Hewitt's Europe is one of the “must read” Euroblogs in English.

Saturday, 13 November 2010

Freedom of movement and of residence in EU Charter & sundry notes

The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union does not bring the citizens of the EU new rights, but it is a handy compilation of freedoms and rights from a number of sources. More specifically the rights based on EU citizenship are summarised in Title V Citizens’ rights, from Article 39 to Article 46.

The freedom of movement and of residence is found in Article 45 (OJEU 30.3.2010 C 83/400):

Article 45
Freedom of movement and of residence

1. Every citizen of the Union has the right to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States.

2. Freedom of movement and residence may be granted, in accordance with the Treaties, to nationals of third countries legally resident in the territory of a Member State.

Pilgrim’s Progress

Since the theme of free movement of persons (workers) and EU citizenship is played on four blogs and in three languages, here is a record of the latest stages.

EU citizenship: Slow and uneven progress on free movement (10 November 2010) looked at the report from the Commission COM(2008) 840 on the application of Directive 2004/38/EC.

European Parliament supports EU expats (10 November2010) presented two EP resolutions concerning EU citizenship.

The two latest blog posts may pose more of a challenge for international readers. However, machine translation (Google Translate) may be helpful enough. A little assistance to decipher the sources, as well.

Unionsmedborgarskapet: EU-kommissionen aktiverade sig synligt (11 November 2010; in Swedish) looked at the well documented guidance on transposition and application of Directive 2004/38/EC given by the European Commission in COM(2009) 313.


EU-kansalaisten liikkumis- ja oleskeluvapaus Tukholman ohjelmassa (12 November 2010; in Finnish) went on to look at the Stockholm Programme – An open and secure Europe serving and protecting citizens, especially Section 2.2. Full exercise of the right of free movement. (The “canonised” version of the Stockholm Programme in all EU languages was finally published OJEU 4.5.2010 C 115/1.)

The heads of state or government (European Council) seemed to be as keen to crack down on abuse and fraud as they were to guarantee the right of free movement by removing obstacles (pages 8-9).


Stockholm Programme Action Plan

After these sundry notes, the next logical steps for this pilgrim would seem to go towards the Action Plan Implementing the Stockholm Programme – a stage perhaps less straightforward than one would expect.



Ralf Grahn


P.S. Linking England and the Continent like the Channel Tunnel, with the publishing prestige of The Economist and with the advantage of being written in English, Charlemagne’s notebook is one of the “must read” Euroblogs (among the 697 already aggregated by Bloggingportal.eu). Naturally Charlemagne’s notebook is found among Fleishman-Hillard’s selection of Euroblogs.

Tuesday, 9 November 2010

EU citizenship: Rapid reaction to Lamassoure’s report?

What happened to Alain Lamassoure’s report The citizen and the application of community law during the French presidency of the Council of the European Union during the latter half of 2008? Perhaps it was not entirely fair to start looking for concrete progress in the midterm review written by Christian Lequesne and Olivier Rozenberg (and published by Sieps), as I did in the blog post: Towards a citizens’ EU? Lamassoure report and French presidency (7 November 2010).

Each Council presidency reports on its ‘achievements’, and the French presidency in 2008 will hardly be remembered for more modesty than others. The report French presidency of the Council of the European Union: Review and outlook 1 July – 31 December 2008 runs to 42 pages

We search in vain for the name of Lamassoure to appear anywhere in the presidency report.

However, Chapter 3 sounds promising: A Europe at the service of citizens and enterprises (pages 14-26).

We do find encouragement for the mobility of young people (page 14), the construction of a European research area (ERA) including the free movement of researchers (page 14), the promotion of vocational mobility (page 15), improving professional mobility in terms of role and location (page 19), implementing rules for coordination of social protection systems (page 19), cross-border health care (page 21), advances in developing the common area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ; page 22), and other worthwhile causes.

We have to continue to page 23 to find the headline A Europe of Justice committed to strengthening the protection of people, facilitating the daily life of citizens and increasing mutual trust. Finally, on page 24, we find two paragraphs more directly related to concrete problems encountered by mobile EU citizens:

EU citizens, particularly those who exercise their right to free movement, expect European justice to facilitate their daily and family life. In this spirit, the French Presidency did its utmost to reach a political agreement on the regulation on maintenance obligations. This led to a decision, notably for the 170 000 couples of different nationalities in Europe that divorce each year, to simplify and accelerate the recovery of alimony, be it for adults or children.

Regarding dependent persons, ratification by France of the Hague Convention of 13 January 2000 will allow the Convention to enter into force. The Presidency has already managed to encourage several Member States to unite with it in a movement which should continue with a view to offering better protection from one State to another for handicapped children, wards and the elderly.

The EU citizens who exercise their right to free movement expect the EU to facilitate their daily and family life. This is acknowledged once in 42 pages, although the practical consequences were limited to quite specific instances.

There are some of his interviews and conferences in the meantime, but Alain Lamassoure’s web page Mission sur le citoyen et l’application du droit communautaire is silent on official action between the delivery of his report on 27 June 2008 and the Commission’s citizenship report 27 October 2010, exactly 28 months later.

Are the eleven million EU citizens living in another member state satisfied with the rapidity of reaction and effectiveness of response from the member states and the EU institutions?



Ralf Grahn



P.S. Responsiveness – or lack of it – comes in many shapes and colours. Yesterday Mathew Lowry published a blog entry called The Brussels bubble may be growing, but it’s still a bubble, where he looks at the real social media challenges for the EU institutions. While you are at it, profit by reading a number of Lowry’s earlier posts about the European online public space.

Tuesday, 2 November 2010

A busy week in the European Union: European Council only part of it

It was a busy week in the European Union. The heads of state or government were in the limelight, because the summits or meetings of the institution called the European Council are at the centre of media attention, although a fair amount of the reporting in national media has been through the prism of domestic politics. (Nowhere is this clearer than in the United Kingdom, with perpetual political and media pressure to leave no veto unused.)

It might be a good idea to let the dust settle and to look at what we have at the European level. The customary mainstream documents are the conclusions and the explanation given by the president:

European Council 28-29 October 2010 conclusions (EUCO 25/10)

Remarks by Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, at the press conference following the meeting of Heads of State or Government (Brussels, 29 October 2010 PCE 251/10)


Where is the beef?

The general endorsement of the Task force on economic governance sets a few signposts on the road forward, but the summary on first two pages of the European Council conclusions relies heavily on the sources, the Task force report, a helpful factsheet and the proposals made by the European Commission:

Strengthening economic governance in the EU – Report of the Task force to the European Council (21 October 2010; 17 pages)

Factsheet on the surveillance procedures in the EU (21 October 2010; 3 pages)

Package of Commission proposals on EU economic governance [DG Ecfin 29 September 2010]

The official conclusions from the European Council are, as we can see, only the tip of the iceberg: two pages above the surface, but a reading marathon below.


Mundane tasks

We can see the “tip of the iceberg” from another angle as well. Much of what the European Union does consists of important but mundane tasks, bundled under ‘union policies and internal actions’ in Part Three of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU).

While the summit stole the media limelight, last week the Commission churned out a number of relevant documents. These underreported reports and proposals concerned, inter alia, the Single Market Act, EU citizenship, a new industrial policy and the Commission Work Programme for 2011 (CWP 2011).




Ralf Grahn


P.S. There is a new kid (in a politico-zoological sense as well) on the French block of the multilingual Euroblog aggregator Bloggingportal.eu (which has grown to 687 blogs related to European affairs). The blog or web magazine Europe – 27etc has made its appearance. The slogan of the blog collective is: “Parce que l’Europe n’est pas une affaire étrangère”. There are six regular contributors (“les Cabris de l’Europe”, in a historic reference to the nationalist president de Gaulle; they write under pseudonyms, to guarantee freedom of expression), and nineteen guest writers have already signed up. Impressive start!

Wednesday, 22 September 2010

Sarkozy and Berlusconi: Helping or hurting their countries?

One of the questions in the wake of the French “Romagate” affair is how it affects the international standing of France. Regards citoyens republished an article by Christian Lequesne in Le Monde: L’attitude du pouvoir vis-à-vis de l’Europe isole la France au lieu de renforcer son rôle.



Lequesne, who is director of CERI (Centre for International Studies and Research), identifies four different elements in president Nicolas Sarkozy’s intergovernmental view of the European Union. This view is counter-productive, and it leads to isolation.


Thomas Friang and Solène Meissonnier speak about an insolent sovereignty in Le Taurillon, when they predict that the Roma policy of the French government will affect the building of Europe, as well as France’s international standing: Une souveraineté insolente.



The only other major EU member state to give the French government clamorous support is Silvio Berlusconi’s Italy. Therefore it is interesting to see how Ferruccio Pastore deals with Paris and Rome in Affari Internazionali: L’asse Parigi-Roma scuote le fondamenta dell’Ue.

According to Pastore the split at the European Council concerned a fundamental question about EU citizenship: does it belong to the poor. The axis between Paris and Rome looks like a precarious alliance between two leaders in crisis. The opened crack concerns the very foundations of the community project.



Also in Affari Internazionali, Bruno Nascimbene writes about the Roma and EU citizenship: La disputa dei rom e i diritti dei cittadini dell’Ue.

Nascimbene discusses EU citizenship, discrimination, free movement, ‘voluntary’ repatriation and the requirement to decide on a case by case basis.


All in all, it looks like Sarkozy and Berlusconi have harmed their countries much more than they have helped.




Ralf Grahn



P.S. The multilingual aggregator for EU related blogs keeps growing. There are now 669 Euroblogs listed on Bloggingportal.eu. You can take a look at the stream of all new posts, or following the editors' choices on the front page. You can also subscribe to the streams and the newsletters without cost.



Bloggingportal.eu needs a few more voluntary editors to tag posts according to subjects. Why not keep informed by reading about European affairs, improve your language skills and do something useful by joining the team of editors?

Thursday, 30 April 2009

New EU member states: Freer movement of workers

Tomorrow, 1 May 2009, five years have passed since the “big bang” enlargement of the European Union. The ten acceding member states were: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. (Bulgaria and Romania became EU member states on 1 January 2007.)

One of the principal aims of the European Community (European Union) is to eliminate barriers which divide Europe. For these purposes the EC (EU) activities include an internal market characterised by the abolition, as between the member states, of obstacles to the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital.

In other words, the four fundamental market freedoms which relate to free movement are not restricted to goods, services and capital, but apply to human beings as well.

New developments

Denmark lifts all and Belgium some restrictions on the free movement of workers from 1 May 2009. See the Commission’s press release: European Commission welcomes the decisions by Belgium and Denmark to open their labour markets (29 April 2009).



For an overview of the transitional provisions concerning workers from you can turn to the web page Enlargement - transitional provisions and the links you find there.




Ralf Grahn

Saturday, 24 January 2009

EU freedom of movement: Overseas countries and territories

The Treaty establishing the European Community provides for the principle of free movement for workers (persons) between the associated overseas countries and territories (OCTs) and the EU member states, but to be governed by agreements requiring unanimous approval by the member states. Article 186 TEC:

Article 186 TEC

Subject to the provisions relating to public health, public security or public policy, freedom of movement within Member States for workers from the countries and territories, and within the countries and territories for workers from Member States, shall be governed by agreements to be concluded subsequently with the unanimous approval of Member States.



***

Original ToL

The original Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) contained the explicit but small amendment to the current TEC that agreements are to be replaced by legislative acts:

152) At the end of Article 186, the words ‘shall be governed by agreements to be concluded subsequently with the unanimous approval of Member States’ shall be replaced by ‘shall be regulated by acts adopted in accordance with Article 187’


***


TFEU consolidated

The unanimity requirement stands, although the procedure is described in other words, in Article 202 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), in the consolidated Lisbon Treaty published OJEU 9.5.2008 C 115/138:

(PART FOUR
ASSOCIATION OF THE OVERSEAS COUNTRIES AND TERRITORIES)



Article 202 TFEU
(ex Article 186 TEC)

Subject to the provisions relating to public health, public security or public policy, freedom of movement within Member States for workers from the countries and territories, and within the countries and territories for workers from Member States, shall be regulated by acts adopted in accordance with Article 203.


***

Special territories generally

If you want an introduction to the geographical scope of the EU treaties and the various special territories in general, you could read the Wikipedia article Special Member State Territories and the European Union, which discusses the outermost regions, the overseas countries and territories (OCTs) we have looked at in the latest blog posts, as well as special cases (latest update 12 January 2009):


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special_member_state_territories_and_the_European_Union


***

OCTs and freedom of movement for workers


Article 17 TEC establishes EU citizenship for every person holding the nationality of a member state and Article 18 TEC, in principle, lays down the right to move and reside freely within the territory of the member states, subject to the treaty and secondary legislation. (More detail is provided by the so called Citizenship Directive 2004/38/EC for EU citizens and notably their family members, but excluding social security.)

This means that the free movement rights of OCT residents depend on their citizenship. If they are full citizens of the “mother country”, they enjoy the rights of EU citizens.


***

Green Paper


The Commission’s Green Paper on the overseas countries and territories, COM(2008) 383 final, gives the following description of the situation (page 6 and 7):


In addition, unlike with third countries, all OCT nationals are in principle European citizens in the sense of Article 17 of the EC Treaty, which states that every person holding the nationality of a Member State is a citizen of the Union. More precisely, all nationals of Greenland and the French and Dutch OCTs also have the nationality of the related Member State automatically. As from 21 May 2002, the citizens of all the British OCTs are also British citizens, but they can renounce it in favour of remaining British overseas territories citizens only and are not obliged to have a passport describing them as a British citizen. As European citizens, OCT nationals are in principle also entitled to the rights conferred by Union citizenship (as laid down in Articles 18 to 22 of the EC Treaty), such as the right to move and reside (but not work) freely within the territory of the Member States. Moreover, OCT nationals can be granted the right to vote for and participate in the election of the European Parliament, subject to the conditions defined by the related Member States in compliance with Community law. This is, for example, the case for nationals of the French OCTs.


***

Commission Staff Working Document


The Staff Working Document SEC(2008) 2067 with the Annexes, accompanying the Green Paper gave the following additional information (page 31):

It is important to recall that, though not third countries, the OCTs do not form part of the Community single market. Therefore, the related four freedoms (free movement of people, goods, services and capital) that apply within the Community do not cover the OCT-EC association, although this does not affect the rights conferred upon OCT inhabitants by citizenship of the Union within the meaning of the EC Treaty. Instead, the above-mentioned arrangements for trade in goods, establishment and the provision of services apply to trade and economic relations between the Community and the OCTs. The Overseas Association Decision also contains provisions on current payments and capital movements. Furthermore, the free movement of workers between the OCTs and the Member States is mentioned in the EC Treaty, but this issue is to be governed by agreements to be concluded subsequently with the unanimous approval of the Member States. However, given this very cumbersome procedure laid down in Article 186 of the EC Treaty, such agreements have never been adopted so far. In this respect, it should be noted that the Treaty of Lisbon of 13 December 2007 makes the regulation of the free movement of workers between the OCTs and the Member States subject to the common procedure of Article 187 of the EC Treaty for adopting the detailed rules and procedures for the OCT-EC association, which could facilitate regulation of this issue.


***

Because no agreements have been concluded between the EU member states, citizenship determines the right to move and reside freely.


Ralf Grahn

Thursday, 27 November 2008

Statewatch alert: EU Council curbing free movement?

A press release by Statewatch sounds the alarm concerning the very principles the European Community (European Union) is built on. Rolling back free movement of persons endangers a fundamental principle and trying to forestall more open legislative procedures by intergovernmental fiat is a grave procedural choice.

I give you the text of the Statewatch press release with including links for further study:

Press release, 27 November 2008JUSTICE AND HOME AFFAIRS COUNCIL, Brussels, 27 November:Restriction on the EU freedom of movement of citizens who have been convicted of serious crime or for "repeated offences" (which may be "low level")

Ministers are discussing the adoption of Council Conclusions: Free movement of persons: abuses and substantive problems – Draft Council conclusions on abuses and misuses of the right to free movement of persons (16151/1/08, 26 November 2008, pdf):

http://www.statewatch.org/news/2008/nov/eu-restrictions-free-movement-conclusions-nov-08.pdf

These say that: "Only those exercising their rights in the spirit of the Treaty should benefit from freedom of movement." While referring to third country nationals the proposals would apply to EU citizens as well and allow Member States to deny entry to those who:"break the law in a sufficiently serious manner by committing serious and repeated offences

"The scope of "repeated offences" is undefined and could apply, for example, to protestors who take part in cross-border demonstrations.

These Conclusions are based on a proposal put forward by the UK: Statewatch Analysis: The UK proposals on EU free movement law: an attack on the rule of law and EU fundamental freedoms by Professor Steve Peers - University of Essex (pdf):

http://www.statewatch.org/analyses/no-72-eu-attack-on-fundamental-rights-08.pdf

The draft conclusions constitute an attack on the rule of law and the fundamental freedom of EU citizens and their family members to move freely within the Community. They indicate an intention to:

- ignore a recent important ruling of the Court of Justice as well as many prior rulings of the Court;

- attempt to dictate to the Court how to interpret EC legislation;

- amend or re-interpret EC legislation at the dictat of interior ministries, without applying any form of legislative process; and

- dictate to the Commission how to perform its independent task as guardian of EC law.

The UK proposal includes considering: "the cumulative damage caused by continuous low-level offending can amount to a sufficiently serious threat to public policy"

United Kingdom delegation: Free movement of persons: abuses and substantive problems - Draft Council Conclusions (EU doc no: 15903/08. 18 November 2008, pdf):

http://www.statewatch.org/news/2008/nov/eu-uk-proposal-on-free-movement-15903-08.pdf

***

Intergovernmental law-making without openness and transparency is once again at work. Swift scrutiny by the European Parliament and national parliaments is called for to safeguard the rights of EU citizens.

Ralf Grahn

Wednesday, 16 April 2008

Readable Lisbon Treaty: Four months gone and missing

The European Convention worked openly and its draft Constitution was published immediately. The IGC 2004 operated behind the closed doors, and it took one and a half month to publish its full results, the Constitutional Treaty, in the Official Journal.

The Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community was signed at Lisbon 13 December 2007. Today is 16 April 2008, so more than four months have passed without readable, consolidated versions published in each of the now 23 treaty languages.

***

The Lisbon Treaty is arguably the most important EC and EU document since 2004. If all legislation including proposals should be in the public domain, in a full and readable form – including tennis rackets aboard planes or not – the founding treaties are the one EU example above all others, long before they enter into force.

The Treaty of Lisbon is the document intended to define our rights and obligations as EU citizens, and of the member state(s) we are citizens of and where we live. We have a legitimate interest to know in full how these relationships are being defined and what the needed ratifications entail.

The Council, I am sorry to say, took the opposite view. Without any public justification it decided to postpone the publication of the consolidated versions until the Lisbon Treaty would have entered into force. If precedents were needed, one would have to return to an almost forgotten era, the Treaty of Nice, signed in 2001, and a world where web publishing was in its early stages.

***

Luckily, some private individuals, organisations, parliaments and even governments broke the conspiracy of silence by publishing consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty. Among these were some of the governments rumoured to be among the opponents of publishing in the Council.

But until this day, only a part of the citizens of the European Union have access to a (fairly accurate) consolidated version of the Lisbon Treaty in their own language.

***

Finally, there was good news. The Council must have relented. The following information was posted on the Commission’s web site dedicated to the Lisbon Treaty:

“A consolidated version of the Treaty will be published on 15 April on the web and on 9 May on paper version.”

***

Finally, I thought, and 9 April 2008 posted what I reckoned to be the final update on different consolidated versions ‘Consolidated EU Lisbon Treaty Update April 2008’, as a tribute to those who have produced and published consolidations and as a last reminder to those who needed one during the final week before official publication.

***

Yesterday was to be the great day for EU citizens.

I scoured every imaginable EU web site in search of the consolidations without finding any new mention (including any explanation for the delay).

Later in the day, I queried Europe direct by e-mail, but received no immediate answer.

***

A short while ago I checked the Official Journal of 16 April 2008 as well as the Council’s web site. A new day is beginning, but still nothing.

***

In addition to all the lofty principles of closeness, openness, transparency and democracy that permeate the Lisbon Treaty, it is ironic that the same governments who have intentionally delayed the publication of readable treaties are the ones who have declared the importance of national translations in regional and minority languages.

For a good laugh, let us turn to Declaration number 16 contained in the Final Act of the Treaty of Lisbon (OJ 17.12.2007 C 306/254):

16. Declaration on Article 53(2) of the Treaty on European Union

The Conference considers that the possibility of producing translations of the Treaties in the languages mentioned in Article 53(2) contributes to fulfilling the objective of respecting the Union's rich cultural and linguistic diversity as set forth in the fourth subparagraph of Article 2(3). In this context, the Conference confirms the attachment of the Union to the cultural diversity of Europe and the special attention it will continue to pay to these and other languages.

The Conference recommends that those Member States wishing to avail themselves of the possibility recognised in Article 53(2) communicate to the Council, within six months from the date of the signature of the Treaty of Lisbon, the language or languages into which translations of the Treaties will be made.

***

Yes, how about the official languages to start with?

***

The only thing citizens and bloggers can do is to keep the repeated failures of the Council in public view and the intergovernmental machinations in distrust.



Ralf Grahn

Wednesday, 13 February 2008

TFEU: Introduction

The European Convention never had the time to make a deep impact on the policy areas of the European Community, and in the intergovernmental conference (IGC 2004) the governments of the member states were obsessed by institutional questions, such as voting weights in the Council.

The IGC 2007 returned to the unfinished business left by the aborted ratification process of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe.

Already in the context of the Convention and the Constitutional Treaty there were calls from pundits for an overhaul of the policies of the EU, and some echo from European leaders, but the national leaders seem to have been overwhelmed by the challenge to bring this stage of institutional reform to a close.

Thus, the main thrust of the Lisbon Treaty reform is institutional: to improve decision making within areas where the European Union (EU) and the European Community (EC) already exercise powers delegated by the member states.

If the Treaty of Lisbon survives the gauntlet of 27 national ratifications, the more mundane task of reforming the practical policies of the EU might raise enough of politicians’ interest to allow an overdue modernising exercise.

***

Article 2 of the Treaty of Lisbon contains the amendments to the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC), which is renamed the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU).

Many of the changes to the TFEU are caused by the reordering of the treaties, with the Treaty on European Union (TEU) becoming home to the constitutional principles and objectives of the European Union and the fundamental provisions on the institutions. In addition, the continuing separateness of the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) and the common security and defence policy (CSDP) is given emphasis by housing them in the TEU.

Besides the reordering, renaming of various concepts leads to a fair amount of amendments throughout the TFEU, but most of the changes are rather technical. The Treaty of Lisbon is no profound reform of EU policies, although the area of freedom, security and justice is united under normal rules for the countries without derogations and opt-outs, and some additional tinkering and tidying up occur.

***

Why then bother to wade through the TFEU?

The treaties are the most important documents of the European Union. They lay the foundations for common action aiming to improve the security and prosperity of the citizens of the European Union. The rule of law means that every piece of legislation and every decision has to be based on the treaties.

The great questions of foreign and security policy may attract more media attention, but businesses and citizens are affected more directly by EU legislation and the everyday workings of the institutions.

Assuming that a reasonable amount of knowledge about the European Union is in the interest of private parties, then it is better to study the latest edition of our common rules. This leads us to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), as agreed on in the Lisbon Treaty. Even if the TFEU were to be hit by an accident never to enter into force, we would have gleaned some knowledge of the unreformed European Community (European Union).

***

Article 2 of the Treaty of Lisbon states that the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC) shall be amended in accordance with the provisions of this Article (OJ 17.12.2007 C 306/41).

Following from the merger of the EC into the EU and the renewed structure of the treaties, the treaty is renamed the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU).

The IGC 2007 then sets out a number of horizontal amendments, leading to editorial or technical adaptations throughout the TFEU. I just highlight some of the new terminology we might want to get used to:

The ‘Union’ replaces the words ‘Community’ and ‘European Community’

‘The Treaties’ replaces ‘this Treaty’ and ‘the present Treaty’

The ‘ordinary legislative procedure’ replaces the procedure referred to in Article 251

The ‘internal market’ replaces the ‘common market’

‘Euro’ replaces ‘ecu’

‘Member States whose currency is the euro’ replaces ‘Member State without derogation’

The ‘European Central Bank’ replaces the abbreviation ‘ECB’

‘Economic and Financial Committee’ replaces the Committee provided for in Article 114

‘Specialised court’ replaces ‘judicial panel’

‘Acting unanimously in accordance with a special legislative procedure’ is inserted where the existing treaty says ‘acting unanimously on a proposal from the Commission’

‘Acting by a simple majority’ is inserted into seven Articles

In two instances ‘obtaining the consent of the European Parliament’ replaces mere consultation

The ‘Court of Justice of the European Union’ becomes the official name, but sometimes the short form ‘Court’ is used

***

To these horizontal amendments of terminology are added the amendments concerning numbering and renumbering of the treaties, compounded by the less than reader-friendly drafting of the treaties themselves.

I salute the silent heroes who have produced the few consolidated language versions of the Treaty of Lisbon we already have. I wish that the versions still missing are produced and published soon. Brochures and web page summaries are important for the citizens of the EU, but they are far from enough.

(For the existing consolidations, as far as I know, see my latest compilation of sources, the 8 February 2008 posting ‘Lisbon Treaty: Consolidated language versions’.)


Ralf Grahn


P.S. Embarking on the long journey to explore our fundamental common rules as rendered by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, I want to repeat my plea for information on the law and politics of the Lisbon reform treaty.

I am most grateful, if you want to share your knowledge on the Treaty of Lisbon with me and other EU citizens: consolidated versions as well as books and other resources, such as official documents from the member states’ governments and parliaments, popular presentations and scholarly research literature, plus information on the ratification processes.

Friday, 8 February 2008

On publishing the Lisbon Treaty

I expect fair play from European governments, at home and when they work jointly through the Council of the European Union. I accept that our political system is based on representative democracy entailing accountability of the elected, and the right of the voters to change government.

Actually, I am more worried when I see political parties, potential holders of office, at election times or otherwise, giving in to populist pressures, be they substantial or procedural: cutting taxes needed for ongoing programmes, or new benefits without corresponding financing, or rash promises of referendums, to name a few.

With representative democracy comes responsibility towards the electorate, what I call fair play: openness and transparency giving the tools for democratic debate, more or less enlightened, but perhaps a bit more sane if the facts and reasons are out in the open.

These are reasons why I have such problems stomaching the conduct of the intergovernmental conference (IGC 2007), which gave us the much needed reform treaty, the Treaty of Lisbon. Modest as it was, the end result meant breaking the deadlock and giving the European project a push forward. But the IGC 2007, and the intergovernmental Council in general, are sores in our democratic system.

Since the European Union, at its present stage of development, is like a house of cards, based on international treaties between states, not a real Constitution founded on the citizens of the EU, unanimity between 27 member state governments plus ratification by all 27 members are hurdles high enough, in my opinion.

Nothing wrong in parliamentary ratification, then, but I understand the frustration of people who have waited for a promised referendum on the Lisbon Treaty in order to wreck the process, and the squirming of politicians who abdicated their responsibility when they promised a dose of ‘direct democracy’ and now have seen where purely domestic referendum debates lead.

***

If the men and women who signed the Treaty of Lisbon are hard-headed enough to pursue the route of parliamentary ratification (wherever possible), they should at least be proud enough to communicate their achievement openly and fully to all the citizens of the European Union.

By producing gibberish, and by refusing to publish consolidated versions of the Treaty of Lisbon, they sent the subliminal message that something was rotten in the contents of what they had agreed on, that it could not withstand the light of day.

Their decision and refusal not only sent the wrong message to the citizens, it was ultimately futile:

Parliamentary ratification would proceed anyway, regardless of what the public could read and debate. Even the minimum published was enough for dedicated think-tanks and individual to reconstruct the treaties as they would stand after entry into force.

But the ill-judged stonewalling of our leaders has had clear negative consequences:

There are, as far as I know, consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty out in the open only in a minority of the official languages of the European Union. The Council, if it deigned to discuss openly, might contend that offering no consolidated version entails equal treatment of EU citizens, since all are equally disserved. But what about openness, transparency, accountability, citizenship and decisions taken as closely as possible to the citizens?


The lack of readable texts is filled by myth and rumour. Since debate is inevitable, wouldn’t it be better if it was more closely based on facts, or at least that the ones who read the most preposterous arguments can check the real contents and judge the alleged catastrophic effects themselves?

Consolidating the treaties or deciphering their contents has lead to unnecessary duplication of work. The treaties are the fundamental documents of the European Union. Not only are they the basis for democratic debate, they are tools in daily use all over Europe.

Students who want to know the EU they are going to work in, teachers preparing lectures, researchers who could confront the questions directly, journalists checking their facts, public and private organisations operating in an EU environment and politicians at every level, all of them need accessible and readable versions of the single most important piece of legislation to emanate from the European Union since 2004.

My modest blog sees the demand for consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty daily, by the number of visitors who arrive from every corner of as a result of web searches for a readable text and end up here as a result of my numerous postings on the subject. Many of those who lack a readable treaty in their own language, are forced to look for a version in another idiom.

***

My message to the European Council is: Relent. Publish.

***

Not much less sad are the acquiescence of the other EU institutions and the negligible publishing efforts of most of the member states.

Is the general interest subservient to the machinations of governments and is the representation of the citizens of the Union subordinate to the underhand dealings of our national leaders?

The Constitutional Committee of the European Parliament was content to “look forward to” consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty they well know aren’t forthcoming presently.

To my knowledge Jens-Peter Bonde is the only member of the European Parliament who actually has done something to publish the contents of the Lisbon Treaty in a readable format.

Even the European parties seem to be part of this conspiracy of silence, at least the four I contacted by e-mail well before Christmas asking why there are no consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty. Do they actively want to discourage any illusion that they have the citizens’ interests at heart?

***

As long as the Council refuses to publish readable versions of the Treaty of Lisbon, I rejoice every time I find that some think-tank or individual has assumed the burden of producing and publishing a consolidated version.

If the United Kingdom and the Netherlands were most vocally opposed to publishing consolidated versions of the Lisbon Treaty (as reported by the DJ Nozem blog), it is almost hilarious to know that of at least four consolidations in English, one has been produced by Her Majesty’s government. As far as I know it is the only version published directly by a government.

And as Nanne (DJ Nozem) reported on his blog, René Barents has produced a consolidated Dutch language version of the Treaty of Lisbon, which fills a gap for about 20 million Dutch speaking EU citizens.

***

If an English and a Dutch consolidated version of the Treaty of Lisbon were deemed especially subversive by the governments in question, I find it extremely satisfying that parliamentary pressure (presumably) and private initiative, respectively, has perforated the premeditated policies of ignorance.

Now there is even less reason to uphold the counter-productive ban on publishing the rest of the language versions.


Ralf Grahn


P.S. The Dutch consolidated Treaty of Lisbon has not been mentioned on this blog before. Here are the details:

René Barents: Geconsolideerde teksten van het Verdrag betreffende de Europese Unie en het Verdrag betreffende de werking van de Europese Unie zoals gewijzigd door het Verdrag van Lissabon
http://www.nrc.nl/redactie/Europa/verdraglissabon_barents.doc

DJ Nozem Blog (Nanne)
http://djnozem.blogspot.com

Dear Reader,

Please tell me if you know about a new consolidated version of the Lisbon Treaty, or about official documents, books, research papers and other secondary literature, both popular and scholarly. The web offers us possibilities to share information.
News on the ratification processes is welcome, too.
Help me to help others. Thank you.